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Tag: Funding

  • Understanding the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)

    Understanding the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)

    Background

    In November 2024, Elon Musk posted on social media, “There should be no need for [Freedom of Information Act] requests. All government data should be default public for maximum transparency.” His statement reignited discussions on the Freedom of Information Act, or FOIA, a federal law enacted in 1966 that requires federal executive branch agencies to disclose information in specific ways. Since its original passage in 1966, FOIA has been updated three times to tighten agency compliance, account for digital records, and allow citizens to request records online. Under FOIA, government agencies must disclose information by:

    • Publishing procedural rules in the Federal Register
    • Electronically disclosing certain frequently requested records
    • Disclosing all covered records not already available upon request

    FOIA includes nine exemptions to protect against harms that might result from divulging certain records; these exemptions include cases like invasion of personal privacy, information related to national security, and information that would interfere with law enforcement proceedings.

    History of FOIA

    Concerns over government secrecy grew in the aftermath of the Cold War. In response, Representative John Moss, a Democrat from California, introduced FOIA in 1955 with support from the journalism community. Despite opposition from President Lyndon B. Johnson and every federal agency, the House of Representatives passed the bill with a vote of 307–0. When Johnson signed the legislation in 1966, he included a signing statement emphasizing that the law allowed room for interpretation and exemptions related to national security.

    Over the decades, several amendments refined FOIA to make it what it is today. Most notably, the Privacy Act of 1974 was created in response to concerns about individual privacy rights In 1996, President Bill Clinton signed the Electronic Freedom of Information Act Amendments, which required agencies to make documents available electronically. The OPEN Government Act of 2007, signed by President George W. Bush, expanded the definition of “journalist” to include web-based reporters and bloggers. It also established the Office of Government Information Services to oversee FOIA compliance. President Barack Obama further reformed the law with the FOIA Improvement Act of 2016, which required agencies to update their FOIA regulations and create a centralized online portal for requests. The FOIA Improvement Act also introduced the “foreseeable harm” standard, which prohibits agencies from denying FOIA requests unless they can sufficiently prove that disclosure of the requested records would lead to a specific harm.

    The FOIA Request Process

    FOIA requests are open to anyone, regardless of citizenship status. Requesters must submit their inquiries either electronically or in paper form to the appropriate federal agency. Upon submission, the agency provides a tracking number and begins searching for relevant records. If the requested documents contain sensitive information, agencies redact sections in accordance with the nine exemptions before releasing them to the requester.

    The processing time for a FOIA request depends on the complexity of the information sought. Simple requests are generally fulfilled more quickly, while those requiring extensive searches or redactions take longer. In certain circumstances, requests may qualify for expedited processing, particularly if a delay would threaten someone’s safety or if there is an urgent need to inform the public about government activities. While there is no initial fee to file a request, agencies may charge for search time beyond two hours or for duplicating more than 100 pages, depending on the requesting party. If a request is denied, the requester has the right to file an appeal at no cost.

    FOIA in the 21st Century

    As digital technology has advanced, FOIA has become a tool for journalists and advocacy organizations to uncover government behaviors and potential wrongdoings. Some FOIA requests eventually turn into lawsuits. For example, in 2008, the American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit for the Department of Justice to turn over records on the government’s use of individual cell phones as tracking devices. In 2016, Color of Change and the Center for Constitutional Rights sued the Federal Bureau of Investigation for not responding to their FOIA requests, which they had submitted that same year for records about federal surveillance of Black Lives Matter protests.

    During the Trump administration, FOIA requests were frequently used to fact-check government statements, investigate the COVID-19 response, and examine financial conflicts of interest. In 2017, federal agencies redacted or withheld 78 percent of requested records, the highest rate in a decade. That same year, FOIA lawsuits rose by 26 percent, marking a 70 percent increase from 2012. 

    Under the Biden administration, FOIA request processing remained similarly restrictive. In fiscal year 2023, over two-thirds of requests were either redacted, withheld, or denied on the basis that no relevant records were found. Agencies received nearly 1.2 million FOIA requests that year, setting a new record. Approximately 40 percent of requests were only partially fulfilled, a rate comparable to the final year of the Trump administration. Meanwhile, the number of requests fully granted dropped from 21 percent in 2020 to 16 percent in 2023.

    Arguments in Favor of FOIA

    Supporters of FOIA argue that the law promotes public transparency and holds government officials accountable for fraud, waste, and abuse. In a democratic society, access to government information is essential for maintaining trust between the public and its government. Proponents argue that government transparency is especially important in the post-9/11 era, as government agencies have expanded their data collection efforts while often keeping these activities secret.

    In addition to promoting the democratic ideal of an informed citizenry, supporters argue that FOIA is especially useful to potential voters. FOIA gives Americans access to in-depth knowledge about their political representatives, allowing them to make more informed choices at the polls.

    Finally, supporters argue that FOIA allows advocacy organizations to amplify and seek justice for government wrongdoing that would otherwise remain secret. They point to instances where FOIA requests have led to the discovery of misinformation campaigns, coordinated use of excessive force against protesters, and surveillance. In some cases, such as the aforementioned 2008 and 2016 lawsuits, FOIA requests can provide a foundation for victims of injustice to seek accountability. 

    Although FOIA initially faced challenges such as bureaucratic delays and inconsistent enforcement, proponents contend that amendments over the years have made the process more accessible. The rise of digital technology has also made it easier for agencies to share information with the public. 

    Criticisms of FOIA

    Opponents argue that FOIA places an excessive burden on federal agencies by requiring them to respond to requests within a short time frame despite limited resources and funding. They also argue that FOIA contributes to an overburdened judicial system, as courts must handle cases involving delayed or incomplete responses to FOIA requests. Another concern is that FOIA allows too many requests driven by personal curiosity rather than legitimate public interest, further straining agency resources. 

    On the other hand, some criticize FOIA’s broad exemptions, arguing that agencies frequently overuse them to withhold information. Exemption 5, which protects privileged communications between agencies, is particularly controversial. In 2013 alone, it was cited more than 81,000 times to deny FOIA requests. 

    Another longstanding issue is the excessive delay in releasing certain records. The FBI, for example, took nearly 25 years to release files on musician John Lennon following an ACLU request. The agency withheld the final 10 documents until 2006, citing concerns about “foreign diplomatic, economic, and military retaliation” against the United States. However, when the documents were finally disclosed, they contained only well-known information about Lennon’s connections to antiwar groups. ACLU legal director Mark Rosenbaum described the prolonged secrecy as “government paranoia at a pathological level.”

    Proposed Reforms

    To address some of these concerns, several reforms have been proposed to improve FOIA while balancing the government’s need for confidentiality. One suggestion is to limit the duration that records can be withheld under Exemption 5. Proponents of this reform suggest that setting a maximum withholding period of 12 years—the same limit applied to presidential records involving deliberative processes—could help prevent excessive secrecy while still protecting sensitive government deliberations. Another proposed reform is to implement a “balancing test” that requires agencies to weigh the government’s interest in confidentiality against the public’s right to access records. 

    Conclusion

    FOIA is a landmark law that changed the landscape of government transparency. While it has undergone reforms to improve public access to records, challenges such as delayed processing times and resource constraints hinder its effectiveness. Ongoing debates about FOIA reflect broader tensions regarding national security, government efficiency, and the public’s right to information. 

  • Pros and Cons of Congressional Term Limits

    Pros and Cons of Congressional Term Limits

    Background: What are Congressional Term Limits?

    While members of the U.S. House of Representatives serve two-year terms and U.S. Senators serve six-year terms, all Congresspeople are eligible for re-election indefinitely. As of 2023, U.S. Representatives served an average term of 8.5 years, while U.S. Senators served an average term of 11.2 years. 

    Congressional term limits are a proposed constitutional amendment that would limit the number of terms a member of Congress can legally serve. Under Article V, the Constitution can be amended by either (1) a two-thirds vote of support in both chambers of Congress, or (2) a constitutional convention called by two-thirds of all states and ratified by three-fourths of all states. Term limits reached their highest level of political salience in the 1990s. In 1992, Arkansas voters attempted to impose term limits on their state’s federal congresspeople via an amendment to their state constitution. In U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, the Supreme Court decided that this amendment was unconstitutional and that states cannot impose term limits on their own federal delegation; the only way to impose congressional term limits is to amend the U.S. Constitution. 

    Current Attempts to Impose Congressional Term Limits

    In 2024, Representative Ralph Norman (R-SC) introduced a joint resolution to amend the Constitution and enact a three-term limit for Representatives and a two-term limit for Senators. The resolution died in committee. In January 2025, Senators Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Katie Britt (R-AL) introduced a resolution with the same provisions. Their proposed amendment was co-sponsored by 17 senators, all of whom are Republicans. 

    While the constitution has never been amended through a constitutional convention, some states are also taking that approach to impose congressional term limits due to limited success of prior joint resolutions in Congress. Indiana’s State Senate recently voted to approve a resolution calling for a convention to consider term limits. If the Indiana House passes the resolution, Indiana will become the tenth state to call for a constitutional convention, joining Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, West Virginia, and Wisconsin. 

    Arguments In Favor of Congressional Term Limits

    The case for congressional term limits centers on the following arguments: (1) Term limits motivate politicians to get more done while in office, (2) Congressional turnover eliminates the incumbent funding advantage, (3) Term limits reduce careerism in politics, and (4) Congressional term limits have widespread support.

    One common argument in favor of congressional term limits is that the policy will incentivize politicians to act more efficiently and effectively during their term given the knowledge that they cannot serve indefinitely. Some argue that today, legislators avoid taking immediate action on hot-button issues like immigration and healthcare because they know those issues drive voters to the polls. These proponents argue that congressional term limits would help shift lawmakers’ core objective from winning re-election to creating effective, long-term policy solutions. 

    Advocates for congressional term limits also express concern that members of Congress are unrepresentative of their constituents, especially in terms of economic status. They highlight that funding has become a barrier to becoming an elected official and that incumbency is often linked with disproportionately high campaign funds, making it difficult for newcomer candidates to win against an incumbent. Proponents of term limits say the policy would reduce this incumbent advantage, leveling the funding playing field every two or three terms so that candidates have more of an equal financial footing heading into their race. Supporters also suggest that term limits could indirectly decrease the role of corporate funders in politics by deterring companies from making major investments in lawmakers who will only hold power for a short period. 

    Other proponents of congressional term limits argue that the policy would limit careerism in Congress by making room for people with more real-world expertise to service. They highlight that the average duration of time served in Congress has been steadily increasing from 8.9 years to 11 years, arguing this demonstrates that congressional office is viewed as a career plan instead of a post of service. In the absence of indefinite congressional roles, proponents argue, everyday Americans with more recent connections to the job market would have more opportunities than career politicians who are “insulated from the communities they represent.”

    Finally, proponents of congressional term limits highlight that the majority of Americans support the policy. A 2023 Pew Research Center study found that 87% of respondents favored limiting the number of terms one person can serve in congress. A different 2023 study from the Maryland School of Public Policy found support for congressional term limits transcended political party, with 86% of Republicans, 80% of Democrats, and 84% of Independents in favor of the policy.

    Arguments Against Congressional Term Limits

    The arguments against congressional term limits are primarily built around the three subarguments: (1) Term limits fail to address political corruption, (2) Term limits ignore the value of the incumbency and institutional knowledge, and (3) Frequent congressional turnover shifts power away from the legislative branch. 

    Some opponents argue that congressional term limits fail to curtail political corruption, and may even worsen the problem. They hold that imposing term limits will cause lawmakers to work more closely with lobbyists for two reasons. First, given that term limits will cause a sharp increase in the number of “freshmen” lawmakers with limited legislative experience, critics argue that more politicians will rely more closely on lobbyists and special interest groups to write or recommend laws to “fill [lawmakers’] own informational and policy gaps.” Second, critics warn that term limits will only exacerbate the “revolving door” phenomenon in which retired legislators seek to maintain political influence by securing careers as lobbyists or private sector government affairs consultants. They cite a 2023 study that found that state governments with term limits saw an increase in the frequency of political corruption events. The study observed a “penultimate effect”, where state legislators under a term limitation devoted more of their last term to securing their personal power than to passing policy. Given that the frequency of last terms will increase significantly under term limit policy, opponents worry about an accompanying increase in political corruption. 

    Opponents of term limits also argue that the values of political incumbency in the legislative process are taken for granted. They argue that policymaking is a specialized skill that must be developed over time, highlighting examples of how bills with loopholes and contradictions – the result of unskilled policymaking – harm the American public. They hold that incumbency’s value is its ability to maintain legislative efficiency and institutional knowledge. Given that federal policymaking is a skill that can only be learned on-the-job, critics say incumbency gives lawmakers the opportunity to become the specialized professionals their constituents deserve. They also argue that bipartisan partnerships among lawmakers take years to cultivate, and that term limits would hinder cross-party collaboration. 

    The third core criticism of term limits is that the policy would shift power to the executive and the private sector at the detriment of democracy. As lawmakers are denied longer tenures, opponents argue, lobbyists and staffers become the primary voice of experience in the legislature. Additionally, critics suggest that a decrease in experienced legislators with cross-aisle relationships will further hinder Congress’ ability to efficiently pass legislation, catalyzing an increase in executive orders and other executive branch actions. This will create hurdles to the traditional system of checks and balances. 

    Conclusion 

    The debate over congressional term limits is longstanding and complex. While proponents argue that the policy will increase legislative efficacy, decrease corruption, and represent the will of the people, critics worry that it could have a counteractive effect. As the debate continues, countless questions linger. How much do we value incumbency? How are money and careerism intertwined? Is the legislature representative enough? Is legislative efficiency worth risking? After all of those questions have been asked, there is only one question left: Should Americans be for or against congressional term limits?

  • Maternal Mortality Review Committees and the PMDR Reauthorization of 2023: Key Perspectives

    Maternal Mortality Review Committees and the PMDR Reauthorization of 2023: Key Perspectives

    Introduction

    The United States faces a maternal mortality crisis, with maternal death rates significantly higher than other high-income nations. According to the CDC, maternal mortality disproportionately affects Black, Indigenous, and rural communities, with Black women experiencing maternal deaths at 2.6 times the rate of White women. The factors contributing to these disparities are complex and include unequal access to quality healthcare, socioeconomic barriers, and more. Despite advancements in healthcare, 80% of maternal deaths are preventable through timely medical intervention and comprehensive data collection. 

    What are MMRCs?

    State-based Maternal Mortality Review Committees (MMRCs) have been shown to play a pivotal role in analyzing maternal deaths to recommend evidence-based interventions. MMRCs are multidisciplinary teams that examine maternal deaths occurring during pregnancy or within one year postpartum. They utilize comprehensive data sources, including medical records, autopsy reports, and social service information. MMRCs assess preventability and contributing factors, allowing them to identify patterns and propose targeted policy solutions. Their review process centers on critical questions related to medical factors, social determinants, delays in care, and provider bias. By systematically addressing these factors, MMRCs generate insights that inform strategies to reduce preventable maternal deaths, which comprise 20% to 50% of all maternal deaths in the U.S.

    However, MMRCs face inconsistent funding and regulatory barriers, limiting their ability to track and analyze maternal deaths across states. Disparities in data collection methods and access to comprehensive patient records further hinder efforts to address maternal health inequities. Some states lack the authority to access certain medical records, while others experience delays in data sharing, reducing the timeliness and effectiveness of recommendations. Without consistent federal funding, many MMRCs struggle to maintain operations, particularly in rural and underserved areas, where maternal health disparities are often most pronounced. 

    Introduction to the Preventing Maternal Deaths Reauthorization Act

    The Preventing Maternal Deaths Reauthorization Act of 2023 (PMDR) was introduced to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce by Congresswoman Robin Kelly (D-IL) on May 18, 2023. The bill passed out of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP) Committee in Fall 2023 and passed the House with bipartisan support in March 2024. However, the bill failed to pass the Senate before the end of the legislative calendar, rendering the bill “dead”. The reauthorization built upon the original Preventing Maternal Deaths Act of 2018, which helped establish and fund state-based Maternal Mortality Review Committees (MMRCs) to investigate maternal deaths and identify preventable causes. It sought to extend funding for MMRCs, enhance data collection, and address racial disparities in maternal health outcomes through the following provisions:

    1. Extending funding for state-level MMRCs to continue investigating maternal deaths
    2. Authorizing $58 million annually for the CDC to support state-level efforts
    3. Enhancing data collection on factors related to maternal health outcomes, particularly for minority populations
    4. Strengthening community-based interventions to reduce racial and ethnic disparities 
    5. Enhancing coordination among agencies to implement evidence-based solutions
    6. Expanding research on social determinants of maternal health 

    Arguments in Support

    Proponents of the PMDR Act of 2023 argue that the bill provides critical support for tried and true interventions to prevent maternal deaths. They emphasize that scientific literature identifies state-based MMRCs as the “gold standard” for preventing maternal deaths due to their multidisciplinary analysis. However, inconsistent funding threatens the effectiveness of MMRCs, particularly in states with high maternal mortality rates. In a letter to Congress, 125 public health and social services associations urged legislators to treat the PMDR as a top-priority bill, stressing the nation’s consistently high maternal mortality rate. Several national associations, including the American Medical Association, argue that continued federal funding is crucial to preventing maternal deaths. They highlight that past funding gaps resulted in reduced MMRC operations, hospital closures, and increased barriers to care. Supporters contend that the only way to ensure MMRCs can continue their vital work without funding disruptions is to pass the PMDR.

    Proponents of the PMDR Act also highlight its potential to promote health equity. Beyond identifying risk factors, MMRCs are critical in addressing racial, socioeconomic, and geographic disparities in maternal health by filling critical knowledge gaps on the drivers of maternal mortality in underserved populations. The PMDR Act directly supports these efforts by requiring MMRCs to report on disparities in maternal care and propose solutions. Federal support through this bill enables MMRCs to strengthen provider training, expand access to prenatal care, and address structural barriers contributing to maternal deaths. Without reauthorization, proponents argue, efforts to close maternal health gaps would be fragmented, leaving vulnerable populations without necessary protections.

    Arguments in Opposition

    The most prominent critique of the PMDR Act is that it focuses too heavily on MMRCs. Critics voiced concerns about MMRCs’ inconsistency, lack of accountability, and failure to acknowledge all social determinants of health. 

    Opponents highlight that legal and logistical challenges, such as data collection issues and lack of legal protections for participants, can create disparities in MMRC operations. Rural populations, who face higher maternal mortality rates and limited access to care, are often overlooked in MMRCs, further exacerbating disparities. Additionally, bureaucratic barriers and state laws limiting community involvement in MMRCs reduce their effectiveness in addressing maternal health challenges. 

    Others argue that MMRCs lack accountability, particularly regarding inclusivity and equitable decision-making. Advocates contend that MMRCs often exclude community representatives or organizations that challenge the status quo, prioritizing clinical expertise over individuals with lived experience. This exclusion can foster distrust, as community members may feel their knowledge and perspective are undervalued. The lack of compensation for community members to attend all-day MMRC meetings – unlike salaried clinicians – adds another barrier, further entrenching inequalities. Laws that impose burdensome requirements on MMRCs further complicate the process and reduce diversity in ideas. Opponents of the PMDR contend that these factors contribute to a lack of accountability from MMRCs, preventing them from fully creating lasting and inclusive solutions. 

    Finally, critics assert that MMRCs often fail to adequately address the underlying social determinants of health that contribute to maternal mortality. While MMRCs focus on clinical factors, such as healthcare quality and implicit bias, they can lack the frameworks to assess other social determinants like housing instability, food insecurity, or socioeconomic status. Often, these factors are deeply rooted in the broader healthcare system and community environments. Critics argue that the absence of these social factors in MMRC reviews limits the committees’ ability to develop holistic prevention solutions. Reports suggest MMRCs could benefit from incorporating a health equity framework and utilizing socio-spatial measures to address the full spectrum of challenges mothers face. Without this consideration, critics argue that MMRCs fall short of offering effective solutions to reduce maternal deaths and disparities. 

    Due to these critiques of MMRCs, critics of the PMDR argue that the bill should allocate more funding toward alternate interventions 

    Conclusion 

    The Preventing Maternal Deaths Reauthorization Act of 2023 represented an effort to extend investment in evidence-based maternal health interventions. While it received strong bipartisan support in the House, it died before a vote in the Senate, leaving MMRC funding uncertain in the years to come. While the bill was applauded for its potential to expand access to maternal care and fill critical knowledge gaps on maternal mortality factors, critics argued it placed too much emphasis on an intervention that lacked consistency and accountability to marginalized communities. 

    Future Outlook

    The Trump administration has implemented significant changes to the National Institutes of Health (NIH), including halting medical research funding and restructuring the agency, which has led to delays and uncertainties in grant approvals. These actions have raised concerns about the future of critical medical research, including studies on maternal health. Given these developments, the future of the PMDR may depend on an evolving public health funding environment. Advocacy groups and policymakers will need to collaborate to ensure that maternal health research and interventions receive the necessary support, despite the current challenges in the federal funding landscape.

  • USAID: Understanding an Agency in Limbo

    USAID: Understanding an Agency in Limbo

    What is USAID?

    USAID, or the United States Agency for International Development, is an independent government agency responsible for administering foreign aid and implementing international development projects related to public health, food security, trade, and democratic governance abroad.

    USAID was created in 1961 via an executive order by President John F. Kennedy immediately after he signed the Foreign Assistance Act into law. Both moves aimed to consolidate existing American foreign aid programs while also creating a tool of soft power to counter Soviet influence at the height of the Cold War. The creation of USAID brought together existing foreign assistance programs to form a collective agency that would spearhead efforts to promote social and economic development abroad. By 2023, USAID was one of the foremost aid agencies in the world, providing nearly $42 billion dollars per year in foreign assistance and leading global initiatives to combat disease. On its now-archived website, the agency framed its objective as a twofold mission: furthering American interests while improving lives in the developing world. 

    USAID Cuts

    On January 20th, 2025, President Trump signed an executive order halting almost all foreign assistance for 90 days to assess the efficiency and consistency of the aid with U.S. foreign policy. He stated that the United State’s foreign aid industry and bureaucracy “are not aligned with American interests” and are often “antithetical to American values.” In light of this executive order, Secretary of State Marco Rubio paused all federal USAID funding. Organizations including the American Bar Association, government employees’ groups, and major health associations immediately responded with lawsuits, leading a federal judge to file an injunction against the funding freeze on February 13th. 

    Since then, the Trump Administration has followed through with reported plans to cut jobs at USAID from around 10,000 to 290 positions around the world, placing thousands on administrative leave or terminating them entirely. Recently, reports have emerged suggesting a top USAID official appointed under Trump has threatened remaining employees with dismissal if they speak to the press about “unauthorized” subjects. Construction crews began removing USAID signage from the Ronald Reagan government building in D.C. this week. 

    Lawsuits and Pushback

    On February 19th, the same federal judge who issued the initial injunction against the funding freeze ordered the State Department to respond to a motion filed by several health organizations alleging that the Department is in contempt of court for continuing to shut down USAID programs. The judge gave the State Department’s Office of Budget and Management until 1pm Eastern Time on February 20th to respond. 

    Several agencies and lawmakers have also chimed in on the issue, with many emphasizing that  the administration’s actions are unconstitutional. During a rally against the USAID cuts, Representative Schatz (D-HI) stated, “If you want to change an agency, you introduce a bill and pass a law. You cannot wave away an agency you don’t like or disagree with by executive order”. Public health officials have also warned that the administration’s efforts to dismantle USAID will result in preventable disease outbreaks, including an mpox global emergency.

    In response to another lawsuit, U.S. district judge Carl Nichols temporarily blocked the Trump Administration’s continuation of mass USAID layoffs after the administration failed to produce a plan to ensure the safe evacuation of USAID workers stationed in unsafe situations abroad. 

    As lawsuits against the present efforts to dismantle USAID continue to emerge, the administration’s actions throughout February suggest the agency and its funding will remain in legal limbo for the foreseeable future. 

  • The “Let Pregnancy Centers Serve Act” of 2024: Key Insights and Implications

    The “Let Pregnancy Centers Serve Act” of 2024: Key Insights and Implications

    What are Crisis Pregnancy Centers?

    Crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs) are nonprofit, community-based organizations that aim to ensure pregnant people carry their pregnancy to term. CPCs provide services, including pregnancy tests, ultrasounds, baby formula, and diapers to achieve their mission. While they have operated in the U.S. for decades, CPCs have become more prominent in the public eye in light of the Supreme Court’s Dobbs v. Jackson decision that overturned the national right to abortion. Contention has emerged concerning whether CPCs should continue to receive federal funding and qualify as eligible healthcare centers for patients using federal healthcare assistance programs. 

    Introduction to the Let Pregnancy Centers Serve Act of 2024

    The Let Pregnancy Centers Serve Act of 2024 was introduced to the Senate Committee on Finance by Senator Cindy Hyde-Smith [R-MS] on January 18, 2024, and is currently in the introduction stage. The Act contains two central provisions:

    1. Maintaining TANF Eligibility: Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, or TANF, is a government program that provides financial assistance to pregnant people and families for the purpose of accessing food, housing, healthcare, and other necessities. States have autonomy in implementing TANF, including determining the type and amount of assistance payments, and the services that can be obtained with TANF funds. The Act would ensure that people who receive TANF can use their benefits to pay for CPC services, and that CPCs can continue to receive TANF-delegated funding from the federal government.
    2. Renewing federal funding: The Act would prevent the federal government from denying CPCs funding via grants, on the basis that doing so merits federal discrimination against grantees. 

    Arguments in Support of the Let Pregnancy Centers Serve Act of 2024

    Enhanced Access to Pregnancy Services

    Proponents of the Act argue that PCPs should be praised for the broad range of goods and services they provide at little to no cost, such as baby clothes and formula. Early pregnancy confirmation is cheaper and more accessible at a CPC than at an abortion clinic, which supporters argue increases accessibility. They cite a study that showed that patients without health insurance were significantly more likely to visit a CPC than not to visit a CPC during their pregnancy. Additionally, proponents believe that the educational programs provided by some centers, such as parenting classes and prenatal care, help equip new and expecting parents with necessary knowledge and skills. In addition, some CPCs offer different types of emotional and psychological support. Advocates of the Act believe that the counseling services provided by some centers can help individuals and families navigate the pregnancy experience and its complexities. 

    Protection from Federal Discrimination

    One of the primary objectives of the Act is to ensure that CPCs continue to receive TANF funding. The bill aims to prevent the Biden administration’s proposed rule that would reduce or cut TANF funding to CPCs. Proponents argue that these centers play a crucial role in providing support to pregnant women, and that losing TANF funding eligibility could significantly impact their ability to offer essential services. Advocates of the bill argue that protection against federal discrimination is crucial for maintaining the viability of CPCs and ensuring they can continue to provide their service without undue interference. Advocates emphasize that CPCs have been allowed to receive federal funding since 1996, and that reversing this practice signals federal discrimination on a national scale. Proponents also argue that states should have the flexibility and power to direct funds to organizations that align with their values and priorities, and that the federal government would infringe upon state’s rights by prohibiting funding to CPCs nationally. 

    Arguments Against the Let Pregnancy Centers Serve Act of 2024

    Misleading Patients 

    Opponents of the Act argue that CPCs provide misleading or incomplete information about reproduction with the goal of preventing patients from seeking abortion, which can impact patients’ ability to make informed decisions about their health. Most crisis pregnancy centers have a religious affiliation and are not medically licensed, and thus fall outside the scope of consumer protection regulations that are designed to protect patients. Opponents argue that CPCs purposefully and unethically market themselves as health clinics, which has led to the development of websites like ExposeFakeClinics.com and The Anti-Abortion Pregnancy Center Database to warn patients about CPCs in their area. 

    Critics also claim that many ethical concerns that arise when the government provides TANF funding to organizations that are unqualified to provide medical advice. In particular, critics argue that CPCs’ main goal is to discourage or delay women from seeking abortion services, and that providing them with TANF funding could lead patients to perceive them as legitimate and objective healthcare providers. Delays in medical care, whether it be prenatal checkups or appointments about different options, can lead to more complex and costly procedures later on, and potentially put pregnant people’s lives at risk. Critics believe that by prioritizing funding for un-licensed pregnancy centers, the government risks misleading pregnant people into seeking services at centers with no medical credentials and thus neglecting their healthcare needs.

    Misuse of Federal Funds

    Additionally, opponents of the Act are concerned that CPCs lack the oversight and accountability required of other TANF-eligible medical facilities, which could increase the risk of mismanaged or ineffectively-used federal funds. While states must spend TANF funding on programs that achieve one of four TANF purposes, some argue that CPCs are deceptive and lack patient-centered care. Critics of the Act believe that TANF dollars could be used in more efficient ways than funding CPCs, such as promoting job preparation and work. They believe that funding CPCs risks diminishing government funds that could be used to fund prenatal care, contraceptive counseling, and more comprehensive maternal health services. Many believe that allowing TANF funds to support CPCs could weaken the overall monetary support network for reproductive health in the nation. 

    Conclusion

    The Let Pregnancy Centers Serve Act of 2024 aims to protect crisis pregnancy centers by allowing states to allocate TANF and other federal grant funds to these centers without federal interference. Supporters argue that CPCs offer vital services that deserve protection and uphold states’ rights to manage their grant distributions. Conversely, opponents express ethical concerns about funding centers that lack medical qualifications, licensure, and oversight. Critics warn that the Act could misallocate federal funds, diverting resources from licensed maternal and contraceptive care programs to less regulated centers. The legislation’s outcome will significantly impact pregnant individuals nationwide.

  • Failures and Successes of NATO

    Failures and Successes of NATO

    Introduction

    NATO, or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, is a military and political alliance founded in 1949 and dedicated to ensuring the security and freedom of its members. As the Cold War took shape and the Soviet Union threatened European governments, the founding countries of NATO determined that a transatlantic alliance was necessary to both deter Soviet aggression and promote political integration rather than militarism. In the decades since, NATO has grown in structure and members into the organization it is today. The primary political council of NATO is the North Atlantic Council (NAC), and it is chaired by NATO’s Secretary General. Each member has a seat on this council and all decisions are made by consensus, so that any decision made by NATO reflects the will of all members. If a decision reached under the NAC or a political subcommittee has military implications, the Military Committee is responsible for giving expert advice to the NAC and for organizing and carrying out NATO’s military operations. 

    The United States is the largest financial contributor to NATO and a key member of the alliance. The alliance promotes democratic ideas and peaceful conflict resolution around the world. Countries looking to join must have a functioning democratic government and a commitment to peacefully resolve conflict. With a large network of members and resources, NATO aims to hold its members to a standard of democracy and intervenes to defuse conflicts before they happen. However, there is continuous debate over how to handle NATO member states experiencing democratic backsliding. In addition, conflict is deterred by the collective defense aspect of NATO, where an attack on one member is an attack on all members. Despite its shortcomings and the challenges it faces, it is often considered to be one of the most successful international alliances in history.

    There are currently thirty members of NATO and several countries are aspiring to join. Other countries are engaged in working partnerships with the alliance, while not being members.

    Source: Statista

    A Brief History

    • 1949: As communism spread across Europe, and the Soviet’s influence increased, the United States’ desire for a security treaty with Western Europe outside of the UN’s Security Council (where the USSR held veto power) led to the creation of NATO.
    • 1955: In response to West Germany joining NATO, the Soviet Union and seven other Eastern European countries formed the Warsaw Pact.
    • 1991: The Soviet Union collapsed, leading to the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. The North Atlantic Cooperation Council was created as a platform for cooperation between old Warsaw Pact members and NATO.
    • 1995: NATO became involved in its first ever crisis response operation, leading the Implementation Force, a peace enforcement force during the Bosnian War.
    • 2001: 9/11 resulted in NATO invoking Article 5 of the Washington Treaty for the first, and only, time. Article 5 states that “an attack against one… shall be considered an attack against them all.” NATO launched several counter-terrorism initiatives and deployed military forces to Afghanistan.
    • 2003: NATO takes control of the International Security Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan, a UN-mandated security force responsible for ensuring the Afghan government’s authority.
    • 2014: NATO suspends most relations with Russia over their illegal annexation of Crimea.

    Successes

    1. The Cold War: During the Cold War, NATO’s efforts were centered around three goals: controlling the Soviet Union, dissuading militant nationalism and communism across Europe, and establishing greater European political unity. The alliance played a major role in maintaining the tense peace of the Cold War and ensuring the war remained ‘cold’. With the end of the war, NATO worked to further maintain peace. They established the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and, in 1997, NATO encouraged bilateral discussion between the United States and Russia through the Founding Act.
    2. Modern Day Protection: Today, NATO continues to provide a level of protection for its members. Since its founding, a NATO member has only been attacked and evoked Article 5 once (the United States after 9/11). Member countries are afforded collective security, just as NATO originally sought to do. Additionally, NATO has created a global network of more than 40 countries and other partners around the globe—ranging from the African Union to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). This network provides NATO support in its crisis management operations, ranging from aid operations such as its delivery of relief supplies after the 2005 Kashmir Earthquake to counter-terrorism operations in the Mediterranean and the coast of Somalia.
    3. The Ukraine War: NATO has publicly denounced the Russian invasion of Ukraine and NATO member countries and allies have provided substantial aid to Ukraine. The United States has contributed roughly $54 billion to Ukraine. Other countries have provided humanitarian aid and support for the more than 5 million refugees of the war. The Ukraine war has reaffirmed the importance of NATO, and even spurred Finland and Sweden to increase their efforts to join the alliance. These countries’ membership would strengthen the alliance militarily through increased air and submarine capabilities, allowing for NATO to further dissuade Russian aggression.

    Failures

    1. Funding Issues: In 2006, NATO Defense Ministers agreed to a commitment that 2% of their countries’ GDP would be allocated towards defense spending. However, the majority of NATO members do not meet this goal. Currently, the United States accounts for over two-thirds of the alliance’s defense spending.
    2. Afghanistan: After 9/11, NATO was a considerable presence in Afghanistan, and their forces were crucial in their support of the Afghan government. When President Donald Trump signed an agreement with the Taliban in 2020, both NATO and American troops were withdrawn from Afghanistan. What followed was an immediate fall in the Afghan government at the hands of the Taliban. Despite the two decades NATO spent in Afghanistan, no long term solution was reached, and without their presence, the nation’s former government could not survive.
    3. Right-Wing Nationalism: With the spread of right-wing nationalism across Europe, discontent with international institutions like NATO and the EU grows. If right-wing nationalist movements continue to increase in popularity across Europe, there could be increased calls for countries to leave institutions like NATO. The challenge NATO faces now is how to combat and address their criticism, and how to unify a divided Europe.
    4. Russian Aggression: Despite supposed verbal promises to Russia that it would not expand to the east, NATO has admitted several former Warsaw Pact members since the fall of the Soviet Union. Now, with NATO members bordering Russia and the promise of further expansion, Russia feels increasingly threatened. The possibility of Ukraine joining NATO has been cited as a significant reason for Vladmir Putin’s invasion of the country.

    The Future of NATO

    As the war in Ukraine continues, NATO is more relevant now than it has been in decades. NATO plays a role in distributing military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine, and the alliance will be influential in the outcome of the war. NATO serves as a means of collective defense and security against Russia and the increasing threat to international order that they represent. With debates over how NATO can best assist Ukraine, and how to best avoid conflicts such as this in the future, NATO will have to revisit its current deterrence strategy in the upcoming years. Also at play is the growing role of China on the world stage. NATO must consider that the world does not revolve solely around the Euro-Atlantic region, and address questions about its role outside this region and across the globe. NATO continues to be essential towards not only the security of its members including the United States, but to the world.