Author: Emily Hudson

  • Introduction to United States and Haiti Relations

    Introduction to United States and Haiti Relations

    Fact Sheet

    President: Ariel Henry 

    Capital: Port-au-Prince

    Population: 11.4 million (2020)

    Languages: Haitian Creole and French

    Government regime: Semi-Presidential Republic
    GDP per capita: $1,176.76

    Freedom level: 37/100

    History of US-Haiti Relations

    The United States has shared an extensive history with Haiti since the island, then called Saint-Domingue, was under French colonial rule. In the 18th century, Saint-Domingue was France’s most profitable colony due to its high levels of sugar, indigo, and coffee production, and the United States served as the island’s second largest trading partner (after France). Enslaved Africans, whose labor fueled Saint-Domingue’s agriculture industry, eventually grew tired of the abuses they suffered from the French. Consequently, the Haitian Revolution began in 1791 under the leadership of Toussaint L’Ouverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, culminating in 1804 with the formation of Haiti. With the former slaves in control of the island, Haiti became the first Caribbean nation to achieve independence and the first modern state to abolish slavery. Despite freeing themselves from direct French colonial rule, inhabitants of the island were obligated to pay reparations to France if they hoped their newfound nation would be granted diplomatic recognition. 

    The United States government did not acknowledge the Haitian Revolution out of fear that its own enslaved workers would revolt in the South. Despite the American refusal to acknowledge Haiti as a sovereign nation, the United States continued to import Haitian agricultural products and exported its own goods to Haiti. It was not until 1862, after the South seceded, that the United States officially recognized Haiti. In the following year, diplomatic relations and the American Legation in Port-au-Prince were established.

    The following decades in Haiti were characterized by significant political turmoil, a high presidential turnover rate, and violence. These dynamics were widespread throughout Latin America at this time. In response, the U.S. enacted the Roosevelt Corollary, which enabled Washington to use military force in the Western Hemisphere to restore political stability. Such circumstances, along with the fear that German influence was encroaching on the Caribbean at the beginning of World War I, led President Woodrow Wilson to send U.S. Marines to the island in 1915. Wilson approved the invasion with the hope that the U.S. could reshape Haiti’s government, assist with the formation of a national army, and strengthen Haiti-U.S. economic ties. During its occupation, the United States assumed control of Haiti’s security and finances and imposed racial segregation, forced labor, and press censorship. In addition, U.S. forces deposed Haitian presidents and legislatures that opposed their presence. Consequently, rebellions against the U.S. administration in Haiti erupted, resulting in the deaths of thousands of Haitians. After 19 years of occupation, the U.S. Marines withdrew from the island in 1934, and Haiti regained its sovereignty. The American government’s decision to withdraw troops was linked to the Good Neighbor Policy, which reversed previous interventionist policies and declared that no state has the right to intervene in another’s affairs.

    After the U.S. withdrawal, Haiti experienced a series of unstable governments, culminating in 1957 with a 29 year dictatorship under Francois Duvalier and his son Jean-Claude. During the reign of the Duvaliers, corruption and human rights violations ran rampant, resulting in the disappearances and/or deaths of approximately 30,000 people. Despite this, the United States continued to support the Duvalier regime out of fear that communism would spread to Haiti. In 1986, massive protests and international pressure forced Jean-Claude Duvalier to flee the nation. With the Duvaliers gone, Haiti had the opportunity to develop its own constitution and establish democratic institutions

    The nation’s first elections took place in December 1990, and were won by a Catholic priest, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. In February 1991, he took office; later that year, he was overthrown. Aristide remained in exile for three years, returned to Haiti in 1994, and finished out his term in 1996. The United States occupied Haiti from 1994 to 1997 and claimed its goal was to restore peace and democracy in the island nation. In 2000, Aristide won a second presidential election, and Haiti was once more fraught with instability. In 2004, the American and Haitian militaries exiled Aristide to South Africa. Soon after, the United Nations began a peacekeeping mission in Haiti aimed at restoring order, which would last 13 years. 

    Since then, Haiti has continued to face political turmoil and corruption. Haitians have demanded their leaders resign and have participated in mass protests, often against alleged U.S. involvement. The role of the United States in Haiti has been further called into question following the July 2021 assassination of then-President Jovenel Moïse. Before his death, Moïse’s opponents claimed that his presidency should have ended in February 2021 because he won the 2015 election, though it was later nullified. Moïse’s supporters, on the other hand, argued that Moise’s five-year term started following the 2016 election, meaning that it was not supposed to end until February 2022. Despite these allegations of political illegitimacy, President Moïse was supported by the Trump administration. It has come to light that some of the perpetrators of the Haitian president’s assassination had received U.S. military training

    In addition to its political problems, Haiti has been struck numerous times by natural disasters, notably hurricanes, often worsening the country’s economy and pushing Haitian citizens to flee their homeland. The Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations have all been confronted with questions of how to restore order in Haiti, encourage development, and tackle migration issues.

    U.S. Strategic Interests in Haiti

    Political Instability

    Since colonial times, Haiti has experienced bouts of political instability on its journey to sovereignty and democracy. These goals have been prevented by foreign intervention and corruption. The recent assassination of Moïse has exacerbated the nation’s downward spiral with violence and criminal activity exploding. Critics claim that the United States’ response to the assassination was underwhelming. The Biden administration decided against providing additional military assistance to Haiti in the midst of the chaos. Despite this, President Biden appointed a new special envoy to Haiti to coordinate the United States’ response to Haiti’s present situation. Some U.S. congressmen, on the other hand, have demanded that the U.S. intensify its efforts to provide support and assistance to Haitian security forces until elections take place. However, the Haitian elections have been postponed indefinitely, and it remains to be seen when and how the Haitian political conflict will be resolved. 

    Development

    Once a thriving colony, Haiti has become the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere, largely as a consequence of the reparations the island was forced to pay to the French along with numerous foreign interventions and corruption. Currently, the majority of the Haitian population lives below the poverty line. Much of the population is reliant on subsistence farming for survival, but such customs are threatened by the frequency of natural disasters, which destroy land, intensify worsening economic conditions, and exacerbate health crises. In efforts to improve conditions on the island, the United States has frequently provided humanitarian and development assistance. The amount of foreign aid often varies with the administration. For example, the Trump administration cut the amount of aid USAID could allot to Haiti, which has since changed under President Biden. In January 2021, the Biden administration announced that it was going to send an additional $75.5 million in development aid and health assistance to Haiti. Following a devastating hurricane in August 2021, Biden approved another $32 million devoted to disaster relief. 

    Migration

    As a result of deteriorating economic and living conditions, numerous Haitians have fled to nearby Latin American and Caribbean nations as well as the United States. Though the number of migrants fluctuates year to year and often spikes after hurricanes strike the island, immigration continues to be a crucial aspect of the U.S.-Haiti relationship. In recent years, the United States government has extended Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to Haitian nationals. TPS is often granted to migrants from nations suffering from political turmoil or natural disasters wishing to remain in the United States until the situation in their homeland improves. Following the 2010 earthquake, for example, the Obama administration extended TPS to Haitians who were living in the United States prior to January 12, 2010. To prevent mass migration, Haitians who arrived after the designated date were sent back. The Trump administration denied an extension of TPS for Haitians, leading to the deportation of thousands. Due to Haiti’s instability and political challenges, however, the nation’s TPS designation was extended multiple times, preventing Trump from completely terminating it. 

    Though President Biden has revived TPS for Haitians, he has also upheld Title 42, which permits the Director of the Center for Disease Control (CDC) to prohibit the introduction of individuals to the United States if it believes there is a considerable risk for the spread of a communicable disease. Title 42 was issued in March 2020 in response to the spread of the coronavirus (COVID-19). This decision has led to thousands being turned away at the southern border, including Haitian asylum seekers, who are often being expelled to Mexico.

  • The Downfall of the Venezuelan Petrostate

    The Downfall of the Venezuelan Petrostate

    VENEZUELAN OIL: A BLESSING OR A CURSE?

    Venezuela, notorious in the global energy arena for its possession of the Western Hemisphere’s largest reserves of light and heavy crude oil along with the world’s largest reserves of extra-heavy crude oil, has experienced both the blessings and the curses associated with such resources. The Venezuelan economy became dependent on these natural resources, as is the case with many developing nations. The resulting phenomenon in which a country’s government has become overly dependent on natural resource exports and thereby neglecting to invest in other, arguably less lucrative, sectors has been coined “Dutch Disease.” Reliance on the revenues from fossil fuels has earned Venezuela the status of being a petrostate. Typical characteristics of petrostates include an elite minority concentrating power, corruption, and weak political institutions, which are reflected in Venezuela’s current political climate. This brief provides an historical overview of the current political, economic, and humanitarian crises.

    Striking Black Gold

    Venezuela’s major oil reserves were tapped into in the early 1900s, and commercial scale oil drilling began in 1917. Following the end of World War I, American and British multinational oil companies became interested in Venezuelan oil reserves and traveled to Lago de Maracaibo. The discovery of oil in Venezuela’s Maracaibo Basin in 1922 by Royal Dutch Shell sparked the beginning of the nation’s oil trade on an international scale. Consequently, by the 1930s, well-known companies like Royal Dutch Shell, Gulf, and Standard Oil had become so heavily invested in such endeavors that they ended up controlling approximately 98% of the Venezuelan oil market. Following the death of Venezuelan President Juan Vicente Gómez  in 1935, a tug-of-war ensued between foreign oil companies and the Venezuelan government in regards to issues such as taxation, regulation, and ownership. In an effort to reassert control over its own natural resource, Venezuelan lawmakers passed the Hydrocarbons Law of 1943, ultimately requiring foreign companies operating in Venezuelan territory to give half of their oil profits to the Venezuelan state.

    Political Transition, Economic Boom, and Nationalization

    Venezuela established its first stable democratic government in 1958. The oil industry, the most lucrative sector of the economy, had a great impact on the government. In the process of establishing its new government, leaders from the country’s three major political parties signed the Punto Fijo Pact, which guaranteed state jobs and oil rents would be allocated to each party in proportion to the voting results. The goal of the punto Fijo Pact was to limit political infighting and ensure the majority of oil profits went to the state.

    Venezuela was the top exporter of petroleum from 1929 to 1970. The Venezuelan Minister of Mines and Hydrocarbons, Juan Pablo Pérez Alfonzo, began advocating for a plan to enable top oil-producing countries to have greater control over their oil in 1959. In the following year, Venezuela joined Iraq, Iran, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia to form the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). This gave the world’s leading petroleum producers the ability to coordinate oil prices and possess greater control over their national industries.

    Venezuela established its first state oil company and increased oil company taxes to 65% of profits in 1960, in an effort to assert further control over its natural resources. Demand for Venezuelan oil grew in the 1970s when the Gulf states briefly limited oil exports due to a political crisis with Israel, and the Irananian Revolution disrupted oil exports. At this time, Venezuela’s per-capita income was the highest in Latin America. In 1976, President Carlos Andrés Pérez officially nationalized Venezuela’s oil industry, culminating in the creation of Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA). PDVSA oversaw all aspects of the oil industry and foreign companies were only allowed to partner with PDVSA if PDVSA held 60% equity in joint businesses. While the 1970s were characterized by positive economic strides, the global marketplace in the 1980s began to experience falling oil prices and high inflation rates, culminating in Venezuela accruing massive foreign debt as the nation purchased foreign oil refineries that were previously held by Citgo and other well-known oil companies.

    The Blunders of the Chávez Presidency

    In the 1990s, Hugo Chávez gained popular support with a socialist platform, and became president in 1998 with the promise that he would use the wealth generated from oil reserves to reduce poverty and inequality. Upon becoming president, Chávez kept his promise by expanding social services and reducing poverty by 20%. However, many of the president’s decisions came at the detriment of the oil industry. As a means of increasing oil prices, Chávez decided to cut production, meanwhile PDVSA hoped to increase oil production so that the heavy oil fields could be further developed. PDVSA officials argued against increased political control over the institution. They claimed that taking revenues from the oil industry without reinvesting funds in infrastructure and exploration of other avenues would be detrimental. This would prove to be true as the reduced profit reinvestment led to a significant decline in the country’s petroleum production. Countless oil workers went on strike, many of which were fired by Chávez, resulting in the loss of crucial managerial and technical expertise. As is common with the resource curse, investment in other sectors of the economy lagged because of a focus on oil.

    At the same time, Chávez worked to further promote Venezuelan oil on an international scale. The Venezuelan president hoped to strengthen OPEC and increase international oil prices. In addition, Chávez hoped to expand business endeavors to other regions, particularly in the Caribbean through the 2005 PetroCaribe Alliance. This alliance provided countries in the region, including Cuba, with crude oil and refined products under more favorable terms. This agreement aimed to promote regional economic cooperation and counterbalance US influence in the Caribbean.

    Chávez’s Legacy and The Rise of MaduroChávez’s presidential reign came to an end in 2013 when he died of cancer; however, his decisions would prove to have long-standing consequences. During his presidency, Chávez paved the road toward authoritarianism for his successor, Nicolás Maduro, by ending term limits, controlling the Supreme Court and the press, as well as nationalizing private businesses and foreign owned assets.

  • Emily Hudson, University of Georgia

    Emily Hudson, University of Georgia

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    My name is Emily Hudson, and I am currently a Master’s of International Policy student at the University of Georgia. Over the past year, I have conducted research on topics such as indigenous rights violations in the Brazilian Amazon, mining and related human rights violations in Latin America, the impact of climate change on cultural traditions in the Andes, as well as issues related to “climate refugees.” My greatest research interest involves the nexus between natural resources/the environment, conflict, and human rights violations, particularly within Latin America.
    Before deciding to participate in a graduate program, I obtained Bachelor of Arts degrees in Anthropology, Romance Languages (Spanish and Portuguese), and Latin American and Caribbean Studies from the University of Georgia. As an undergraduate student I participated in the Portuguese Flagship Program, which gave me the opportunity to study abroad and intern in Brazil for 10 months in 2018. During that time, I had the chance to interact with Venezuelan refugees as they sought to establish themselves in Manaus, Amazonas, Brazil.