Author: Cora Palomar-Nelson

  • Pros and Cons of Prison Nursery Expansion in the United States

    Pros and Cons of Prison Nursery Expansion in the United States

    What are Prison Nurseries? 

    United States prison nurseries are programs within correctional facilities that allow pregnant, incarcerated mothers to keep their infants with them from the child’s birth to the end of their sentence. Located within a separate wing of a prison, the nurseries are subject to decreased security and expanded mobility for inmates. Babies have access to on-site daycare while their mothers work prison jobs, attend school, or undergo rehabilitation. Prison nursery expansion would predominantly impact women who are serving time for non-violent crimes and are due to give birth between 18 months to 2 years before their sentence ends. There are currently eleven active prison nurseries in the United States.

    SIMARRA

    Due to significant increases in female incarceration rates, the debate surrounding prison nursery expansion is gaining momentum. There are currently over 170,000 women in prison, 58% of whom are mothers, and an estimated 58,000 who are pregnant upon incarceration. In 2021, Texas representative Sheila Lee Jackson introduced the Stop Infant Mortality and Recidivism Reduction Act of 2021 (SIMARRA), which aimed to establish prison nurseries programs in all federal prisons. The proposed legislation ordered mandatory parenting classes and frequent health assessments for participants and their infants. Although the bill died at the beginning of 2023, it left controversy in its wake.

    Recidivism Benefits Vs. Constitutional Controversy 

    Advocates of prison nurseries often cite decreased rates of recidivism, or the rate of reoffending, as evidence to support expansion efforts. A study conducted in a prison nursery within Nebraska’s Correctional Facility for Women found that over an 18-year period, there was a 28% reduction of recidivism for successful nursery program participants. Compared to mothers who are separated from their children following birth, prison nursery participants often develop strong maternal bonds and a sense of obligation that encourages healthy parenting and discourages reentrance into the criminal justice system. 

    However, critics believe that prison nurseries are unconstitutional. Due to the fact that prison nursery expansion would only extend to female correctional facilities, some argue that it violates the Fourteenth Amendment by discriminating against incarcerated men. Furthermore, since infants and toddlers cannot cognitively make choices in their best interest, nor vocalize their desire to leave a facility, some believe that the programs are in violation of a child’s due process rights. Finally, a rigid selection process inhibits most qualified pregnant women from participating in the prison nursery programs. Therefore, while some women are given the opportunity to serve their sentence in close contact with their child, others face forced, and often permanent separation from their infant. The discrepancies between prisoner treatment are often considered unethical.

    Cognitive & Emotional Benefits vs. Psychological Uncertainties

    Mother-child attachment fostered in prison nursery settings has been found to yield positive and lasting psychological effects for both infant and incarcerated mother. A study conducted in New York State’s Bedford Hills prison nursery tracked the preschool outcomes of children after prison nursery completion. Research found that there are positive or neutral short-term developments in motor-skills and cognitive growth. Compared to infants separated from their mothers at birth, children raised in prison nurseries have been more likely to develop secure attachment, which results in better mental and emotional health, maintenance of strong relationships, and a decrease in one’s likelihood to engage in delinquent behaviors in the future. 

    Nevertheless, critics note that early childhood development in a correctional facility produces stress for infants, which can lead to trauma. For example, some mothers drop out of prison nursery programs electively due to the pressures of raising a baby in restrained conditions, while others are expelled due to violations of rules. The repercussions of failed participation often instills lifelong feelings of dejection for children who are separated from their mother after initial bonding. Deborah Jiang Stein, an author who spent her first months in the Federal Prison Camp in West Virginia, was removed from her mother after a year in the prison nursery program. She attributes her frequent sensations of internal displacement with the separation and her subsequent time in foster care. Due to high rates of eventual and often abrupt mother-child separation during or after completion of prison nursery programs, some argue that immediate separation of the mother and child after birth is psychologically healthier for the infant.

    Financial Advantages vs. Mother-Child Best Interest

    Familial and personal challenges lead many incarcerated women to place their infant into the child welfare system. However, due to the oversaturation of the United States foster care system, supporting children in prison nursery programs is financially less expensive. Low prison nursery recidivism rates indirectly cause a decrease in spending on the prison system and child welfare programs. One study found that in West Virginia, prison nursery programs save the state $1,000 per child, per month and in Nebraska, the state saves an average of $17,500 per child, per year. No prison nursery has exceeded the cost of any other child welfare alternative.

    Despite the financial draws, critics claim that prison nurseries are not always in the best interest of all mother-child pairs. Today, incarcerated mothers must undergo an application process within their correctional facility to earn a place in the prison’s nursery program. However, there is no individual legal proceeding that determines whether a nursery program is the best option for a particular child. For example, professor, author, and legal scholar James Dwyer argues that prison nurseries have not been proven, beyond a reasonable doubt, to be better than any other “non-incarceration placement alternative.” Options including adoption, which often allow for the development of a relationship between a biological mother and her child, have not been proven by the state to be inferior to prison nursery programs. Without an individual evaluation of each child, some believe that prison nurseries are impeding infants’ rights to freedom and liberty.

    Conclusion

    The debate surrounding prison nurseries is projected to increase as rates of female incarceration in the United States grow. While research on the topic of prison nurseries in the United States is considered less populous than research on other criminal justice issues, new policies are increasing discussion surrounding the prison programs. It is expected that legislation like SIMARRA will be prominent in national discourse surrounding future criminal justice reform policies. Ultimately, the path forward is dependent on deciding whether prison nursery programs should be federally mandated and controlled, or if their establishment and maintenance should remain in the hands of individual prison facilities.

  • Pros and Cons of the Menstrual Equity for All Act of 2021

    Pros and Cons of the Menstrual Equity for All Act of 2021

    What is Menstrual Equity and Period Poverty?

    Menstrual equity and period poverty are two global issues rooted in accessibility and affordability of menstrual products and reproductive healthcare. Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, 4 in 5 students in the United States knew someone who missed school due to struggles in attaining menstrual products. A second study found that almost half of all Black and Hispanic students in the U.S. struggle to access period products, compared to about 28% of their white peers. While period poverty is a particular challenge for students, it also impacts incarcerated populations and the homeless. Without proper supplies, menstruating people face increased physical and psychological health risks, social challenges, and barriers to education. The goal of menstrual equity is to promote free, equal distribution of menstrual products to all people who need them, both in the United States and around the world. 

    Menstrual Equity for All Act of 2021

    Introduced by U.S. representative of New York, Grace Meng, the Menstrual Equity for All Act of 2021 aims to increase affordability and accessibility of menstrual products for all people, including those in detention facilities, federal public buildings, educational institutions, and for individuals facing homelessness and/or poverty. The goals of the act are as follows:

    1. Encouraging the state to provide free menstrual products in public schools. 
    2. Encouraging colleges and universities to establish pilot programs that provide free menstrual products in all bathrooms.
    3. Requiring that all incarcerated people in federal, state, and local institutions, including those held in immigration detention centers, have access to free menstrual products.
    4. Allowing homeless assistance providers to use funding for menstrual products.
    5. Requiring Medicaid to cover the cost of menstrual products.
    6. Encouraging employers of over 100 people to provide free menstrual products in the workplace.
    7. Requiring all federal public buildings to provide free menstrual products. 

    Those who most benefit from the act include all people who menstruate, with a particular focus on low-income populations, incarcerated people, the homeless, women of color, and students

    Financial Benefits and Economic Setbacks

    Supporters of the Menstrual Equity for All Act argue that the legislation increases the accessibility of menstrual products for all people in the United States. A woman, on average, gets about 450 periods during her lifetime, which adds to about $9,000 spent on menstrual products over the course of her life. Since most men do not menstruate, the cost of period products, coupled with the pay gap and the pink tax, create a problem of gender inequality. By providing free menstrual products to populations most in need, the Menstrual Equity for All Act of 2021 has the potential to alleviate the financial burden of purchasing products and increase school and work attendance rates for low-income individuals. 

    However, many view menstrual products as outside the scope of government spending, and believe the funds could be better used elsewhere. They argue that $9,000 over the course of a lifetime is a drop in the bucket in comparison to the gender pay gap, and that other issues should be the focus of gender equality policies.

    In addition, critics believe that the legislation fails to address the source of funding for free products and their distribution. For example, the act does not ensure that government insurance and assistance programs are covering the costs of menstrual products. As a result, individuals dependent on government housing, food, and income support, despite being the most in need population, will be the least likely to reap the benefits of the Menstrual Equity Act. Furthermore, the legislation does not include a plan to ensure equitable financial distribution of funding to all school districts for menstrual products. Without a government-controlled source of funding, wealthier school districts with higher tax support will be able to consistently provide better menstrual products than school districts in low-income neighborhoods.

    The Impacts of the Act on Criminal Justice Reform

    Many incarcerated individuals report that purchasing menstrual products on a prison salary of between $0.14 and $0.63 an hour is a challenging feat. The Menstrual Equity for All Act of 2021 mandates that all federal, state, and local incarceration institutions must provide free menstrual products to all menstruating inmates. By erasing the cost of menstrual products, supporters claim that all detained people will have the equal ability to practice adequate hygiene and maintain their reproductive health. With access to the products they need, the act establishes financial equality among inmates and is believed to support mental health.

    Although supporters present the mental health benefits of free menstrual products in detention facilities, critics argue that the process of distributing products is unclear and could do more harm than good. The Menstrual Equity for All Act does not provide specific guidelines as to when and how often menstrual products will be given to inmates. Second, in detention facilities that have already instituted Meng’s menstrual equity plan, studies have found that there has not been significant improvement in the physical or mental health of inmates. Due to the low quality of free menstrual products, most women still purchase their own menstrual supplies from the prison commissary. In one Maryland prison, due to the low absorbency of free products provided, incarcerated  people often turned to rags or mattress stuffing as alternatives, which increases the risk of dangerous physical and mental health issues, and widens the socioeconomic gap between inmates. 

    Menstrual Stigma and Health Awareness

    Period poverty and menstrual equity are topics often considered taboo. Supporters of the Menstrual Equity for All Act of 2021 believe that the legislation will decrease period stigma by encouraging both politicians and lay citizens to have open conversations about the accessibility and affordability of menstrual products in the United States. Additionally, providing free products in schools is a gateway to having conversations about menstruation, reproductive health, and hygiene in health education classes. One study conducted in Hawaii found that providing free menstrual products in school bathrooms increased student confidence and allowed students to focus more on school.

    Nevertheless, critics state that the Menstrual Equity for All Act of 2021 does not sufficiently address the issue of period poverty in the United States. By leaving the Act’s implementation up to the decision of individual states, menstrual insecurity and period poverty will not be equitably and uniformly addressed across the country. School districts, detention facilities, and homeless shelters with the most funding will receive the greatest benefits from the act, while communities facing higher concentrations of poverty will not have consistent access to period products. Therefore, critics argue that one’s access to the benefits of the Menstrual Equity for All Act is dependent on their wealth, which directly contradicts the inclusive mission of the legislation

  • Cora Palomar-Nelson, Barnard College

    Cora Palomar-Nelson, Barnard College

    Cora is originally from Cape Cod, MA and Spain. She is currently a student at Barnard College of Columbia University pursuing a B.A. in urban studies with a concentration in global health. Cora is passionate about advocating for sustainable public health, women’s right to education, and criminal justice law and policy. In 2020, Cora completed a virtual Global Health Fellowship with the Foundation of International Medical Relief of Children (FIMRC). Through the program, she conducted research on pediatric congenital heart disease symptoms and treatments in Bududa, Uganda. On campus, Cora is involved in Columbia University’s chapter of Project Sunshine and serves on the executive board of Columbia Women in Law and Politics. In the future, Cora is dedicated to pursuing law. She hopes to build a career in which she can defend and advocate for women’s rights around the globe. In her free time, Cora loves to travel, read, and enjoy time at the beach.

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