Author: Christelle Paul

  • Juvenile Justice: A Historic Overview

    Juvenile Justice: A Historic Overview

    18th Century and Earlier

    The earliest criminal laws in colonial America were derived from British common law. They set the precedent for early colonists on how they would address justice and crime, including juvenile delinquency and punishment. In 1646, the Massachusetts Stubborn Child Law declared that male adolescent disobedience was an offense punishable by death. Since children and adolescents were seen just as culpable as adults for breaking the law, they were to be punished like adults. These sentiments persisted through the 18th century, setting the groundwork for children “as young as age seven [to] be tried and sentenced in criminal courts” and sent to serve time in adult facilities. 

    19th Century: Roots of Juvenile Justice

    By the 19th century, a number of child advocates had organized to reform juvenile justice. The Society for the Prevention of Pauperism was founded to oppose housing youth in adult jails. They established the New York House of Refuge in 1825, the nation’s first institution to house only juveniles that were deemed to be on a path to delinquency. This society believed that, with the right support and resources, juveniles could be rehabilitated. Many cities and states adopted the same model, leading to the founding of similar institutions throughout the country in the following years. In 1899, the first juvenile court was established in Cook County, Illinois, by a group of women known as “child-savers.” It was established “under the British legal doctrine of parens patriae—‘the State as parent’”—meaning it was the state’s duty to both protect the public interest regarding juvenile delinquents, and serve as the guardian of childrens’ interests.

    20th Century to the Present: Due Process and “Tough on Crime” Policies

    The establishment of juvenile courts across the country allowed judges to have discretion over the outcome of juvenile cases without the use of formal trials, birthing wide disparities between cases. This presented an issue for most youth who had few legal protections and constitutional rights. In 1967, the Supreme Court case In re Gault delivered a landmark decision that granted juveniles legal protections under the 14th Amendment, such as the right to due process. This meant that juveniles had the right to legal representation, as well as the right to confront witnesses against them. Throughout the 1970s, additional constitutional rights were extended to juveniles, “including the right to have the charges against them proven beyond a reasonable doubt and the right against double jeopardy.” In 1974, Congress passed the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act, requiring the separation of juveniles from adults; it also created the federal Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention to fund statewide community-based programs as an alternative to youth incarceration.   

    Toward the late 1970s, the United States experienced an upward trend of violent juvenile offenses. This resulted in a political shift, with the government beginning the “tough on crime” era. Some of these approaches manifested into policies that moved juveniles to adult courts for trial and punishment. In 1978, the state of New York lowered “the eligible age for criminal responsibility to thirteen years old for murder and fourteen years old for other violent crimes.” Mandatory minimum sentences and three-strike laws enforced in adult cases were now extended to juveniles. By 1994, “the number of juvenile cases waived into adult criminal court peaked when 11,700 cases were transferred.” Juveniles also faced more punitive sentences, including sentences to death and life without the possibility of parole. The Supreme Court has since ruled each respective sentence as unconstitutional in Roper v. Simmons (2005) and Miller v. Alabama (2012), respectively. 

    Juvenile arrest rates for all offenses have decreased by 75% between 1996 and 2019. Despite this significant decline, laws birthed out of the “tough on crime” era remain unchanged. Prior to 2019, the maximum age of juvenile jurisdiction in New York and North Carolina was fifteen years old, meaning sixteen and seventeen year olds were automatically tried and incarcerated as adults, regardless of the crime. In 2017, bothstates passed laws to “raise the age of criminal responsibility to 18 years of age.” Most states maintain 18 as the age for criminal responsibility of non-violent crimes, however, in the case of violent crimes, there is more variability for juvenile offenders. For instance, in North Dakota and Kansas, violent offenders as young as 10 years old can be waived and prosecuted as adults. Although there are age mandates that limit juvenile jurisdiction, there are a multitude of waivers that permit juveniles to be tried as adults, much to the discretion of judges and prosecutors.

  • No Knock Warrants

    No Knock Warrants

    Historical Context

    No-knock warrants were established in the 1970s to combat the War on Drugs, “a series of federal and local policies aimed at cracking down on recreational drug use.” Before no-knock warrants, knock and announce warrants were mandatory for law enforcement to enter a home. The origins of such warrants come from Semayne’s case in 1604 and Miller vs. the United States in 1985, which prohibited citizens from being arrested in their homes without their given notice of authority and purpose from officers. Eventually, Wilson v. Arkansas in 1995 and Richard v. Wisconsin in 1997 made exceptions for unnecessary announcements.

    No-knock warrants can only be issued by a judge and allow law enforcement to enter the property of a resident without announcing who they are. These warrants are typically issued if officers have probable cause to believe that

    (a) notice will likely lead to the quick and easy destruction or disposal of evidence subject to seizure, 

    (b) notice will endanger the life of the officer or another person, 

    (c) notice will allow the person who is to be arrested to escape, or 

    (d) if such a notice is useless. 

    Therefore, it is at the discretion of the judge and law enforcement to determine probable cause, the type of warrant, and its execution. 

    No-knock warrants have been controversial since the 1970s because the execution of such warrants is dangerous for officers and civilians. The Castle Doctrine and Stand Your Ground are examples of state self-defense laws in the United States where civilians have the right to defend themselves using deadly force in their homes and surrounding areas. Standing your ground is legal in 23 states. Since 30% of Americans own guns, law enforcement officials who use no-knock warrants and civilians are at an increased risk for harm. 94 civilians and 13 law enforcement officers died in no-knock and quick-knock raids in the U.S. between 2010 and 2016, and many more were seriously injured. No-knock warrants also add financial strain to civilians because they are responsible for repairing property damage resulting from no-knock warrants.

    In the past four decades no-knock warrants have been used with increasing frequency. In the early 1980s, no-knock or quick-knock warrants were used about 1,500 times. By 2010, no-knock warrants were used about 60,000-70,000 times. 

    Breonna Taylor Incident

    On March 13, 2020, seven officers  entered the home of 26-year-old Breonna Taylor while she was sleeping alongside her partner, Kenneth Walker. The officers used a no-knock warrant, expecting to find money and drugs belonging to a previous partner of Breonna at her residence. Unbeknownst to these officers, her previous partner was put into police custody earlier that same night.

    After repeatedly crying out and hearing no response, Walker grabbed his registered gun as the police entered the home with a battery ram. While Mattingly claimed to have announced police identity, Walker along with other witnesses did not report hearing such an announcement. Walker aimed his gun at what he thought was an intruder, and fired once. Sergeant Mattingly, Officer Myles Cosgrove, and Detective Brett Hankison fired a total of 32 rounds, six of which hit Taylor. Hankinson was later charged for “wanton endangerment” after firing into the apartment of one of Taylor’s neighbors. 

    No-Knock Warrant Reform 

    On June 6, 2020, Republican Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) introduced the “Justice for Breonna Taylor Act,” federally banning the use of no-knock warrants. In addition, this act would ban the use of no-knock warrants in state and local law enforcement agencies that receive Department of Justice funding. Although the bill received bipartisan support, it did not receive a vote in Congress.

    Kentucky lawmakers have passed a series of bills concerning these warrants. “Breonna’s Law” was passed in June 2020  by Louisville Metro Council. It bans the use of no-knock warrants and requires officers to wear body cameras during searches in Louisville.  Two months earlier, Senate Bill 4 was signed into law by Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear, banning the use of no-knock warrants except in certain situations. Many other states and jurisdictions have followed Kentucky’s example and made similar changes in police legislature.

    Despite these changes to policing, many oppose the total banning of no-knock warrants. The Director of the Virginia State Police Association Wayne Huggins stated that the element of surprise is one of the advantages of no-knock warrants. Others find such warrants effective in deterring crime. NYPD commissioner Dermot Shae rejected the call to ban no-knock warrants because they kept the city of New York safe. NYPD claims no-knock warrants are primarily used to target guns. Of the 1,800 search warrants issued in 2020 by the NYPD, 1,100 were no-knock warrants. They led to the seizure of more than 800 guns. 

  • Christelle Paul, College of the Holy Cross

    Christelle Paul, College of the Holy Cross

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    Christelle Paul recently graduated from the College of the Holy Cross, where she studied Biology and Africana Studies. As a native of Cambridge, Massachusetts, Christelle has witnessed and experienced the harmful ways public policy impacts urban communities. This reality has influenced her service work in educational equity and community building. While working on Boston mayor Kim Janey’s campaign for City Council, Christelle became specifically interested in policy development and politically engaging voters of all kinds. She hopes to use her past experiences and passions to produce accessible research that would encourage voters to make informed political choices. In her free time, Christelle loves to bike, draw, read and go to concerts.