Category: ACE Research

  • Vaccine Mandates in Public Schools

    Vaccine Mandates in Public Schools

    Executive Summary

    Vaccination mandates are state laws that require children to be immunized against certain diseases prior to attending childcare facilities and public educational institutions such as daycares, preschools, elementary schools, middle schools, and high schools. Vaccines are prophylactic biological preparations that train the immune system to recognize and destroy certain pathogens. They often contain attenuated versions of the pathogen, toxins that are produced from the pathogen, or surface proteins that are naturally present on the pathogen. When an individual successfully vaccinates against a disease, they become protected from that disease for an extended period of time. Should a person come into contact with a disease that they are vaccinated against, they’ll experience either no illness or a weaker version of the illness. 

    Vaccines protect not only those who are vaccinated, but also those who are in close proximity to them. If a high percentage of individuals are vaccinated in a community, herd immunity can protect those who are not able to vaccinate due to abnormal medical conditions. Diseases that children are required to vaccinate against are often highly contagious, and may have high morbidity and mortality rates. Widespread vaccination is one of the best strategies for preventing large scale outbreaks of preventable diseases, and this is achieved through the implementation of vaccination mandates. Every state has the authority to mandate vaccines through police powers, and each state requires a specific regimen of vaccines that it determines necessary to protect the health of the public. States can also choose whether or not to offer medical, religious, and philosophical exemptions to these vaccination mandates, and dictate what steps parents must go through to acquire exemptions. States that offer easily accessible exemptions tend to have greater rates of preventable diseases.

    Since the late 1980’s, vaccination mandates have prevented hundreds of thousands of deaths, millions of hospitalizations, hundreds of millions of illnesses, and trillions of dollars in direct/social costs related to illnesses and hospitalizations. Given the extremely high cost/benefit value, the federal government purchases vaccine doses for preventable diseases and provides them to uninsured/underinsured children free of charge through the Vaccines for Children Program (VFC). However, vaccines are neither perfectly effective nor completely safe. Some people who are vaccinated will still contract the diseases they are protected against, and some people will experience serious injuries or even death from standard vaccinations. Since society mandates that children be vaccinated before entering daycares and public educational institutions, federal lawmakers established the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program (VICP) through the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act (NCVIA) to compensate families of children who were injured by mandated vaccinations. Instead of filing vaccine injury cases through the tort system, a specialized federal vaccine injury court handles all cases brought forth by plaintiffs. This court standardizes the litigation process for vaccine injuries to ensure that all plaintiffs have fair and equal trials.

    Historical Overview

    Vaccination mandates have existed for over three hundred years, with the earliest laws being implemented locally by boards of education, counties, and cities. The first state wide vaccination mandate was enacted in Massachusetts in 1855, requiring all students to be vaccinated against smallpox. Massachusetts had just passed a compulsory school attendance law which drastically increased the number of students receiving education, therefore increasing the risk of smallpox outbreaks. Smallpox is an infectious disease caused by the variola virus, with the more deadly strain variola major having a 30% mortality rate. In 1796, scientist and physician Edward Jenner devised a strategy to protect people from smallpox. Jenner had anecdotally observed that dairymaids were protected from smallpox, and later discovered that it was their exposure to the cowpox virus that protected them. Using cowpox virus inoculations, Jenner created the first vaccine. Despite the existence of a smallpox vaccine, many people were hesitant to use it or did not have access to the vaccine. It’s estimated that over 300 million people died from smallpox in the 20th century alone, well over 100 years after the vaccine’s existence.

    The public health benefits of vaccination mandates became increasingly apparent over time, and can be clearly seen when comparing smallpox rates in states with mandates and states without mandates. Between 1919 – 1928, ten states with smallpox vaccination mandates had an average of 6.6 cases per 10,000 people, while six states delegating vaccination mandates to their own localities had 51.3 cases per 10,000 people, twenty-eight states with no vaccination mandate had 66.7 cases per 10,000 people, and four states that prohibited vaccination mandates had 115.2 cases per 10,000 people. In 1971, the CDC recommended discontinuation of the smallpox vaccine from the routine vaccination schedule due to the eradication of the disease in the United States. 

    The next vaccines were invented in the late nineteenth century, nearly 100 years after Jenner created the smallpox vaccine. The second vaccine to successfully prevent illness in humans was the live-attenuated rabies vaccine in 1885, followed by heat-inactivated typhoid and cholera vaccines in 1896. The smallpox and rabies vaccines produced immunity in the vaccinated individual by exposing them to an attenuated (weakened) version of the pathogen. The heat-inactivated typhoid and cholera vaccines functioned differently, resembling a more crude version of surface proteins and toxins vaccination. By killing the pathogens with heat, the vaccine would not be infectious, but it would still contain the surface proteins and toxins of the pathogen. Over time, scientists further refined these vaccines by producing specific surface proteins and toxins, then measuring them out in more precise concentrations for each vaccine dose. Throughout the early and mid twentieth century, scientists would successfully create many more vaccines, continuously improving their safety and efficacy. After observing the benefits of smallpox vaccination mandates, many states would go on to mandate other vaccines as well.

    Introduction

    Vaccination mandates in childcare and public educational institutions currently exist for the following 16 pathogens; Bordetella pertussis, Clostridium tetani, Corynebacterium diphtheriae, Haemophilus Influenzae, Hepatitis A, Hepatitis B, Human Papillomavirus, Influenza, Measles, Mumps, Neisseria meningitidis, Poliomyelitis, Rubella, Rotavirus, Streptococcus pneumoniae, and Varicella. To immunize children against all of these diseases, 13 different vaccines are used. Some of these vaccines immunize against multiple diseases. For instance, DTaP provides immunization against Diphtheria, Tetanus, and Pertussis. See Table 1. for the full list of vaccines and the diseases they protect against. 

    Depending on the ages where protection against a particular disease is most needed, a vaccine may only be required during a specific age range. H. influenzae is a bacterium that can cause severe illness in children under 5 years old, but over the age of 5 risk of serious illness falls dramatically. The Hib vaccine, which immunizes against this bacterium, is therefore only required in children entering daycares and Pre-K education. No states currently mandate that children in K-12 education receive the Hib vaccine, meaning if a child is entering kindergarten and didn’t attend daycare or Pre-K, then they were never legally required to have the vaccine. Booster vaccines are needed if immunity against a disease fades over time. Many vaccines require a series of shots over different periods of time, ranging one month apart (Hep B) to ten years in some cases (Tdap). See Table 2. for the Center for Disease Control’s (CDC) recommended vaccine immunization schedule from birth to 18 years old. 

    Vaccines included in state vaccination mandates are limited to any one of the thirteen that are listed in the CDC’s recommended immunization schedule for children aged 0-18. Every vaccine listed in the immunization schedule has received a biologics license from the FDA, which means that these vaccines have undergone extensive testing and analysis through clinical trials to ensure that they are both safe and effective. The CDC and state governments receive advice regarding appropriate timing, adequate dosing, and potential contraindications of vaccines from the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP). The ACIP is a panel of fifteen experts independent of the federal government who extensively analyze scientific literature on the topics of vaccines and preventable diseases to formulate vaccination policy recommendations for both adults and children. 

    Most of the diseases children are immunized against are highly contagious, and can transmit from person to person rapidly in close quarters. Public educational institutions and daycares are examples of such environments where the spread of diseases can occur rapidly, and this is exacerbated in low income areas where schools are often smaller and student to faculty ratios tend to be higher. Contagious diseases each have a value known as an R nought (R0), which represents the average number of people who will contract the disease from a single infected person. Measles normally has an (R0) of 12-18 in most outbreak environments, but in school environments the (R0) can be as high as 40. The best method to combat highly contagious diseases such as measles is through herd immunity. When 85-95% of individuals are vaccinated, transmission rates of that particular disease drop dramatically since a large percentage of people are immune. If 95% of the 12-40 people who’d have normally gotten infected from a measles carrier are vaccinated, then the chances of a full scale outbreak occurring are slim to none. 

    Although rare, due to abnormal medical conditions, some children are not able to be vaccinated. People with autoimmune diseases or cancer have suppressed immune systems, and they may not have the capacity to effectively develop immunity once vaccinated. Immunocompromised individuals are also at risk of experiencing more severe illness if infected with any of the vaccine preventable diseases. Another serious contraindication to vaccines is anaphylaxis, which occurs when the recipient of a vaccine is allergic to one of its ingredients. People with a history of allergic reactions to vaccines are often advised against vaccinating in the future, unless the ingredient they are allergic to has been identified. With immunocompromised individuals in mind, achieving optimum herd immunity can provide them with an extra barrier of protection against preventable diseases. In an environment with high immunization rates, an immunocompromised person would have to come into direct contact with someone infected to become sick, whereas in an environment with low immunization rates one infected person can spread the disease to other people and indirectly infect the immunocompromised patient. The former scenario is much less likely to occur in an educational setting, and it is generally considered safe for immunocompromised children to attend public schools with high immunization rates.

    Current Policies and Challenges

    The State and Federal Authority to Mandate Vaccinations

    The authority to mandate vaccines arises from police powers that are granted to states under the tenth amendment of the Constitution. Police powers are defined in the Constitution as “the inherent authority of the state (and, through delegation, local government) to enact laws…to protect, preserve, and promote the health, safety, morals, and general welfare of the people. To achieve these communal benefits, the state retains the power to restrict, within federal and state constitutional limits, private interests, [i.e.] personal interests in autonomy, privacy, association, and liberty.” Police powers are exercised by the executive and legislative branches of states through the creation, implementation, and enforcement of laws. Given that several infectious diseases common to the United States are highly contagious and can spread rapidly at educational institutions, public health officials and lawmakers deemed that in order to protect the general welfare of the public, it was necessary to utilize police powers and require students to vaccinate prior to their attendance at public school. 

    Two constitutional challenges to vaccination mandates were heard by the United States Supreme Court, and in both cases the challenges were rejected after the court determined that states mandating vaccines are permissible exercises of police powers. These cases have since set the precedents to the legal standing of vaccination mandates. The first case, Jacobson v. Commonwealth of Massachusetts, upheld the 1905 state law requiring persons 21 years of age and older to vaccinate against smallpox. The court concluded that the vaccination mandate had a “real and substantial relation to the protection of the public health and safety.” In less than two decades, the Supreme Court heard its second challenge, Zucht v. King, in which plaintiffs argued that the exclusion of their child from school due to their unvaccinated status violated the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment. The court largely referenced the Jacobson case when rejecting the challenge, concluding that the ordinance did not utilize any “arbitrary power, but only that broad discretion required for the protection of the public health.

    As addressed in the definition of police powers, states can only restrict powers within constitutional limits. In other words, states cannot restrict rights that are protected in the United States constitution. Opponents of vaccination mandates have argued, albeit controversially, that such mandates are violations of their first amendment right, particularly the right to freedom of religious expression. A well crafted version of this argument can be found in the Massachusetts Department of Public Health Memorandum, “the first clause, the Establishment Clause, forbids governments from passing laws that favor any particular religious preference, and the second clause, the Free Exercise Clause, permits individuals to practice their religion freely without interference from government entities. Parents who oppose immunization regulations have argued that requiring a student to submit to immunization that is inconsistent with his or her religious practices is counter to the Free Exercise Clause.” However, with the recent outbreaks in preventable diseases, many states have opted to remove the religious exemption option from their respective vaccination mandate legislation. This move has not been without legal challenges. In 2015, plaintiffs challenged the city of New York for excluding unvaccinated students with religious exemptions during a chickenpox outbreak. The plaintiffs made the following argument: “the statutory vaccination requirement, which is subject to medical and religious exemptions, violates their substantive due process rights, the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment, the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Ninth Amendment, and both state and municipal law. On the same grounds, plaintiffs argued that a state regulation permitting school officials to temporarily exclude from school students who are exempted from the vaccination requirement during an out-break of a vaccine-preventable disease is unconstitutional.” The court ultimately concluded that vaccination mandates are a permissible exercise of state police powers, and they do not infringe on an individual’s first amendment rights.

    The federal government has some influence on vaccination mandates, primarily through the Commerce Clause and the Spending Clause of the United States Constitution. “The Commerce Clause grants Congress the power ‘to regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States.’ This authority empowers Congress to regulate ‘three broad categories of activities’: (1) ‘channels of interstate commerce,’ like roads and canals; (2) ‘persons or things in interstate commerce,’ and (3) activities that substantially affect interstate commerce. The Spending Clause empowers Congress to tax and spend for the general welfare. Under this authority, Congress may offer federal funds to non-federal entities and prescribe the terms and conditions under which the funds are accepted and used by recipients.” Following the principles of federalism, the federal government can’t require states to pass mandatory vaccination laws. However, the federal government can utilize the Commerce Clause and the Spending Clause to incentivise states to implement vaccination mandates. Such incentives are often provided in the form of federal grants.

    Vaccines for Children Program:

    A series of measles outbreaks in the U.S. between 1989-1991 sparked a major vaccination campaign to increase immunization coverage. During that period of time there were 55,622 reported cases, approximately 11,000 hospitalizations, and 123 deaths from the outbreaks. The largest outbreaks occurred among minority children in large cities, and constituted up to 82% of cases. Black and Hispanic people represented 17% of the U.S. population at that time, but made up 46% of the confirmed measles cases and 66% of preschool cases in children under 5 years old. Before the large outbreaks, the immunization gap between White children and non-White children was 15%. Following the measles outbreaks, non-White children had a measles vaccination rate of 78% and White children had a vaccination rate of 84%, lowering the vaccination gap to 6%. One causal factor for this immunization gap was the simultaneously present gap in health insurance coverage. The percentage of uninsured White Americans in 1990 was 12%, while the percentage of uninsured Black and Hispanic people was 18% and 28% respectively. At this time, childhood immunizations often required the family to have health insurance, as not every state included childhood immunizations in their Medicaid plans.

    To address the large-scale measles outbreaks and immunization gaps between white children and children of color, the Clinton Administration established the Vaccines for Children Program (VFC) in 1994, a vaccination campaign designed to dramatically increase childhood immunizations against vaccine preventable diseases. The goal was to vaccinate over 90% of children against each disease. VFC provided vaccines for children at no cost who were otherwise unable to acquire them, including Medicaid-eligible children, uninsured children, American Indian and Alaskan Native children, and under-insured children (children who have health insurance that doesn’t cover some/all vaccinations). It’s estimated that around 55% of all U.S. children under the age of 19 were eligible for VFC vaccines at the time of its implementation. VFC serves children in all U.S. states, as well as the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, American Samoa, Guam, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. The vaccines covered by the VFC program are ones that protect against the 16 diseases that vaccination mandates address. 

    The VFC program along with all of the other state vaccination programs and mandates have led to substantial health outcome improvements in the United States. The CDC estimates that the children born in the VFC era (1994-2013) will experience over 322 million fewer illnesses, over 21 million fewer hospitalizations, and nearly 732 thousand fewer deaths from preventable diseases as a direct result of implementing childhood vaccination campaigns and mandates. These estimates do not include influenza (which is included in the VFC) or account for increases in the population, meaning these estimates are artificially low. The VFC program has also closed the immunization gap between white children and children of color over time. For example, the immunization gap was completely eliminated for MMR in 2005, Polio in 2006, and DTaP in 2011. Although the VFC program is expensive, it ends up leading to significant cost savings through preventing doctor visits and hospitalizations. The VFC program is estimated to cost $102 billion in direct costs and $121 billion in social costs, yet it averts an estimated $402 billion in direct costs and $1.5 trillion in social costs. This leads to a net savings of $295 billion in direct costs (hospitalization and treatment) and $1.38 trillion in societal costs (quarantines, loss of time at work, disabilities, etc).

    National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act:

    Throughout the 1980’s, vaccine hesitancy grew significantly following the publication of  “DPT: Vaccine Roulette,” (WRC-TV 1982) a widely publicized television program that depicted children with serious brain injuries thought to be the result of the DPT vaccine. Four viewers of the television program founded Dissatisfied Parents Together, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization which has since been renamed the National Vaccine Information Center (NVIC). The NVIC has been long criticized as a leading source of fear mongering, promoting extensively disproven misinformation such as declaring that the MMR vaccine and autism have a causative relationship. Regarding the link between the DPT vaccine and brain damage, investigative journalist Brian Deer provides an excellent analysis in one of his publications, “Brain damage is a catch-all term, and there was nothing to distinguish injuries following vaccination from many of the 2000 causes of brain damage – including genetics, infections, birth problems, and traumas – that often reveal themselves at exactly the age at which DTP is given. In Britain, about 200 babies and infants develop such disorders every week, and by chance 6% will start within seven days of a jab.” Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) has also been historically linked with the DPT vaccine. SIDS almost exclusively occurs in infants between the ages of two weeks and one year, a time period in which infants are advised to receive three DPT shots as outlined in the CDC immunization schedule. In the United States, approximately 55 cases of SIDS will occur less than 24 hours after a DPT shot. 

    Both of the cases described above are based on correlative data, and such data does not prove a causative relationship between the two variables (in this case the vaccine and the suspected side effect). When media sources report on correlative vaccine data, their representation of it can often imply that a causative relationship exists. In the case of “DPT: Vaccine Roulette,” the causative relationship was declared. Extensive studies later demonstrated that the data described in those two cases were correlative and in essence coincidental. Researchers compared the incidences of SIDS between vaccinated and unvaccinated populations, and no relationship between the variables were found in multiple studies. Even though studies extensively disproved a causative link between the DPT vaccine and brain damage/SIDS, the damage had already been done. Trust in vaccines fell, and many parents outright refused to vaccinate their children. Media coverage of the numerous lawsuits against DPT vaccine manufacturers further eroded public trust. By 1987, more than 800 lawsuits were filed against manufacturers of the Pertussis vaccine, totaling more than $21 million. Due to litigation expenses associated with these lawsuits, the Pertussis vaccine rose from $0.17 to $11.00 per dose. One lawsuit settled in the tort system ended with the victim’s family being awarded $1.13 million, which equates to more than half the entire Pertussis vaccine market. The number of companies manufacturing the Pertussis vaccine dropped from 4 to 1, with the last company threatening to abandon production.

    The increase in vaccine prices occurred during the Reagan administration, and without immediate action healthcare providers would run out of vaccines to administer to children. To address the rapidly depleting vaccine supply, president Ronald Reagan signed the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act (NCVIA) into law. The NCVIA was passed to provide a federal no-fault system to compensate vaccine-related injuries and death, eliminating the liability for vaccine manufacturers. Another purpose of the NCVIA was to establish the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program (VICP). The VICP awards compensation to the families of children who were injured by vaccines, and is funded by a 75 cent excise tax on each vaccine dose sold by manufacturers. The NCVIA led to the creation of a single federal vaccine court system that handles all routine vaccine related injury and death claims. This effectively standardized the vaccine litigation process, preventing personal injury lawyers from filing rampant lawsuits in courts not equipped to properly assess such cases. Similar to civil tort cases, individuals pursuing litigation are required to gather a preponderance of evidence to support their case. However, unlike civil tort cases which utilize expert testimony to support a case, the plaintiffs pursuing vaccine lawsuits must prove that the vaccine caused the injury in one of two methods. 

    The first method is to prove that the injury in question is one that’s listed in the Vaccine Injury Table, a table which lists potential contraindications that can occur after vaccination. Contraindications that are compensable are added to the Vaccine Injury Table through Department of Health and Human Services regulation in consultation with the Advisory Commission of Childhood Vaccines after extensive research proves the contraindication in question has a causative relationship with the vaccine. Vaccine injuries that are classified as “any idiopathic, unexplained, unknown, hypothetical, or undocumentable injury, illness or condition” are not eligible for compensation according to regulation. The injury in question must also have occurred within a specific time frame following vaccination, and lasted for a minimum of six months (except in the instance of death), or resulted in inpatient hospitalization, or required some form of surgical intervention. The government may counter the plaintiff’s claim if there is any reason to believe that the injury occurred independent of the vaccine. Cases where children develop infantile epilepsy or SIDS following DTP vaccination would be classified as injuries that occur independent of vaccination. See Table 3. the list of vaccines and their respective compensable injuries.

    The second method of proving a causal relationship between the vaccine and the injury is pursued when the injury in question is not listed in the vaccine injury table. To prove that a vaccine caused an unlisted injury, the plaintiff must bear the burden of proof through the following three prong tests

    1. the plaintiff must provide a biological theory of harm, 
    2. the plaintiff must provide a logical sequence of events that connect the vaccine to the biological theory of harm in an appropriate time frame, 
    3. the plaintiff must rule out any other biologically plausible alternatives to the vaccine(s) in question as causes for the biological theory of harm. 

    This method of proving causation has led to a case which ruled that the tetanus vaccine caused optic neuritis. Other rulings which utilized this method of proving causation have provided petitioners awards for claims that the MMR vaccine causes fibromyalgia, that the Hib vaccine causes transverse myelitis, and that the hepatitis B vaccine causes Guillain–Barré syndrome, chronic demyelinating polyneuropathy, and multiple sclerosis.

    The rationale for the NCVIA and the VICP is to societally compensate for the unavoidable injuries that occur when society mandates that children get vaccinated to attend public schools. Compensation for vaccine injuries are awarded in a lump sum payment and an annuity, ensuring that the plaintiff is compensated for medical costs, estimated lost wages, and pain and suffering. Reasonable legal fees are covered for all plaintiffs who file an injury claim in good faith regardless of the success of their claim. Compensation for death claims are awarded in a lump sum capped at $250,000. Vaccines that are covered in the VICP only include the childhood routine vaccinations for the 16 preventable diseases recommended by the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP). However, a variety of combination vaccines that target the 16 preventable diseases have been in use since 2006, with some still in current use such as the Hep A-Hep B vaccine and others discontinued such as the Hep B-Hib vaccine. Due to the large variety of combination vaccines, more than just the 13 vaccines outlined in the CDC immunization schedule are listed in the VICP’s monthly injury report. See Table 4. for data on the total number doses administered between 2006-2019, the total number of injury and death petitions filed, the total number of petitions awarded, and the total number of petitions dismissed.

    Variations in State Vaccination Mandates

    By the late 20th century, vaccination mandates for children attending public schools existed in every state and DC. The legality of private schools being exempt from their respective state’s vaccination mandate depends on the particular state. Depending on the state’s statutory scheme, one of the following three scenarios is possible: 

    1. private schools and religious schools are exempt, 
    2. only religious schools are exempt, 
    3. neither private nor religious schools are exempt. 

    Although some private schools are not required to abide by their state’s vaccination mandates, many still choose to require the same (if not more) vaccinations for their respective students due to the immense public health benefits of herd immunity. Each state decides which vaccines are required, and that number often varies from state to state. Alabama, California, and South Dakota require the least number of vaccines at 7, while Rhode Island requires the most vaccines totaling 13. The average number of required vaccinations among the 50 states and DC is 9, although the exact vaccines that are required vary. Six vaccines are required in every state, and include DTaP (diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis), Hib, MMR (measles, mumps, and rubella), Polio, Tdap (diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis booster), and Varicella (chicken pox). Vaccines that are required in half or more states include, Hepatitis A, Hepatitis B, Men ACWY (meningitis), and PCV (pneumococcal virus). Vaccines required in only a few states include HPV (human papillomavirus), Influenza, and Rotavirus. Even if one of the 13 vaccines is not a state requirement where a particular child is located, that child is still eligible to acquire that vaccine free of charge due to the VFC. 

    Three types of vaccination exemptions are available to students depending on which state they live in. 

    1. All fifty states and DC have medical exemptions, which exempt students from vaccinating who have medical conditions that could result in serious contraindications. Such medical conditions include but are not limited to autoimmune conditions, cancer, and allergies to one or more of the vaccine’s ingredients. To acquire a medical exemption, the child must have the application signed off by a physician or other qualified medical authority who deems that the risks of vaccination outweigh the benefits. 
    2. Another exemption for vaccinations can be made on religious grounds. If receiving a vaccination goes against a child or their family’s religious beliefs, the family can apply for a religious exemption that waives the vaccination requirements. A religious exemption applies universally to all vaccines, meaning parents can’t use it to exempt their child from receiving certain required vaccines while accepting others. The barriers to acquiring a religious exemption vary from state to state. Some states grant religious exemptions after a few documents are filled out, while other states require proof of membership in a recognized religious organization. As of 2021, 43 states permit religious exemptions. 
    3. The last type of exemption offered, albeit less common, is on philosophical grounds. In these states, a parent can avoid vaccinating their children if it goes against their philosophical or personal beliefs. As of May 2021, 18 states permit philosophical exemptions. See Table 5. To identify which vaccines are mandated in each state, and what exemptions are permitted as of May 2021.

    By 2000, many preventable diseases had dramatically decreased compared to the years prior to their respective vaccines being licensed. Measles, for example, had 503,282 annual cases on average prior to the existence of its vaccine. In 2000, the number of cases was 81, a 99.98% decrease. Due to vaccination campaigns, wild poliovirus and smallpox have been effectively eradicated in the United States with zero cases occurring during the year 2000. To achieve those decreases in preventable disease rates, many public health interventions were executed across the 50 states and DC. Vaccination mandates for students in public educational institutions played a large role in these decreases in preventable disease rates, as well as federal government action in the form of the Vaccines for Children Program. The vaccination rates of children aged 19 months to 35 months for most diseases during the year 2000 were over 90%, falling short for Polio, Tetanus, and Varicella. With vaccination rates so high and the preventable disease burdens so low, strict enforcement of mandates soon started to fall. The threat that many of these preventable diseases once posed was no longer the same at present day, and the individual risk associated with not vaccinating dropped precipitously. See Table 6. for data on the average rate of preventable diseases three years before vaccine licensure compared to the year 2000. See Table 7. for data on vaccination rates of children aged 19-35 months in the United States during the year 2000.

    Even after states had implemented vaccination mandates, a gradual lack of enforcement for non-compliance eventually led to a rise in unvaccinated students significant enough to impact herd immunity. Under state vaccination laws, children who don’t meet the minimum vaccination requirements are to be excluded from attending school. However, enforcement of vaccination mandates varies from state to state. In the 1975/1976 school year, six states implemented stricter enforcement of their vaccination mandates, prohibiting students from entering who weren’t vaccinated and suspending students who did not keep up to date with the required immunization schedule. During the 1977/1978 school year, the six states that had implemented stricter enforcement measures had less than half the rate of measles compared to the rest of the country. The following year (1978/1979) the six states had less than one tenth the rate of measles compared to the rest of the country. Measles outbreaks in Alaska and Los Angeles in 1976 and 1977 respectively led to public health officials strictly enforcing the vaccination requirements. In Alaska, 7418 of 89,109 students (8.3%) were excluded from school due to not meeting vaccination requirements. In Los Angeles, 50,000 of 1,400,000 students (4%) were excluded from school. Within a couple weeks, nearly all of the excluded students were up to date on their vaccinations and back in school. These instances demonstrate that strict enforcement of vaccination mandates are effective, and potentially necessary in some states to meet vaccination coverage goals.

    In recent years, social media has propagated vaccine skepticism across the country, leading to a rise in the percentage of children with non-medical vaccine exemptions. The average percentage of kindergarteners with non-medical vaccine exemptions in the 2011/2012 school year was 1.2%. In the 2018/2019 school year, the average percentage of children with vaccine exemptions was 2.2%, with the highest states non-medically exempting 7.7% of children. States that permit philosophical exemptions tend to have a higher percentage of non-medical exempted students. At first glance, these averages may not seem alarming. If 2.2% of children have non medical exemptions, then around 98% of children should still be vaccinated. However, this is not the case. In addition to a rise in non-medical exemptions, states have also recently lapsed in enforcing mandates to non-exempt unvaccinated students. In the 2018/2019 school year, while the average percentage of kindergarteners with exemptions (including medical) was 2.5%, the average number of unvaccinated kindergartners without any exemptions was 2.8%

    When combined, the number of unvaccinated students with and without exemptions has pushed some states below the coverage percentage necessary for herd immunity. This has led to a resurgence in outbreaks of preventable diseases that were once nearly eradicated in the United States. In 2018, 375 cases of measles were confirmed in the United States, usually isolated to small orthodox religious communities. However, in 2019 there were 1,282 cases. This jump in cases was caused by two major outbreaks, the 2019 Pacific Northwest measles outbreak and the 2019 New York measles outbreaks, with both causing their respective states to declare public health state of emergencies. The Pacific Northwest measles outbreak spread throughout the Portland Metropolitan area, with the majority of cases occurring in the Clark County, Washington suburbs. Clark County was known to have widespread anti-vaccination sentiment, and the measles vaccination percentage at the time of the outbreak was just 78%, far below the necessary coverage for herd immunity. By the end of the outbreak, 72 people had been infected. The 2019 New York measles outbreak occurred in New York City and the neighboring Rockland County. The Rockland County suburbs had measles vaccination rates of only 71%, and neighborhoods in Brooklyn with large populations of Orthodox Jews were heavily affected due to low vaccination rates. As a result of the outbreak, the public health officials in Rockland County barred all unvaccinated children from entering school. In response, 42 parents sued the Rockland County health department in an attempt to overturn the order, but ultimately failed when a judge refused to do so. By the end of the outbreak, a total of 649 cases had occurred.

    With the recent rise in measles cases, many states have begun removing religious and philosophical exemptions. Following the Disneyland measles outbreak of 147 cases in late 2014, California removed both religious and philosophical exemptions to required vaccines. New York later removed religious and philosophical exemptions following the outbreak in 2019. Other states that have removed non-medical exemptions include Maine in 2019, and Connecticut in 2021. If the number of vaccine exemptions continue to rise, more states will likely remove these exemptions as well. The policy rational states have used for their decisions to remove exemptions stem from the rise in unvaccinated populations, and the costly societal and medical expenses associated with outbreaks. The Washington Department of Health disclosed that over a million dollars was spent to contain the 2019 outbreak. Since the outbreak was a preventable occurrence, significant public outrage followed. See Figure 1 for comparison of what exemptions each state offered in 2014 vs 2021.

    Figure 1. Vaccine Exemptions Offered by State 2014 vs 2021

    Vaccination Mandates Beyond Public Educational Institutions

    Students at public educational institutions are not the only group of people who are required to vaccinate against preventable diseases. Other notable groups who also have to comply with mandated vaccine regimens include healthcare workers, immigrants and refugees, and military personnel. This section will discuss who exactly falls into these groups, which vaccines are required, a brief description of the rationale behind imposing these mandates, and which governing body creates and enforces these mandates. 

    Healthcare workers who have to vaccinate include physicians, nurses, emergency medical personnel, dental professionals and students, medical and nursing students, laboratory technicians, pharmacists, hospital volunteers, and administrative staff. The CDC recommends that healthcare workers receive the following vaccinations: Hepatitis B, Influenza, Meningococcal, MMR, Tdap, and Varicella. The policy rationale behind requiring healthcare workers to vaccinate is to protect both the workers themselves and their patients. Vaccination mandates for healthcare workers are regulated and enforced by state governments.

    Immigrants and refugees who seek residence in the United States are required to show proof of vaccinations before entering. All immigrants and refugees are required to be vaccinated against the following diseases: Diphtheria, Hepatitis A, Hepatitis B, Hib, Influenza, Measles, Meningococcal disease, Mumps, Pertussis, Pneumococcal disease, Polio, Rotavirus, Rubella, Tetanus, and Varicella. The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP), a panel of 15 experts independent of the federal government, provides recommendations to the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) regarding which vaccinations should be required for immigrants and refugees. The CDC and HHS ultimately regulate and enforce which vaccinations are required for immigrants and refugees. 

    Military personnel are required to be compliant with the CDC immunization schedule, and may require vaccinations against other diseases if they are deployed in certain geographic locations. Other diseases that military personnel have to frequently vaccinate against include the following: Malaria, Rabies, Typhoid Fever, and Yellow Fever. Vaccination mandates for military personnel are regulated and enforced by the Department of Defence (DOD). Further, in certain circumstances threats of biological terrorism and warfare may necessitate certain military personell to vaccinate against diseases that are likely to be utilized as biological weapons. The FDA has approved vaccines and antitoxins for the following diseases likely to be utilized as biological weapons: anthrax, botulinum toxin, bubonic/pneumonic plague, and smallpox. Should a novel disease pose a threat to military members, The DOD can seek emergency use authorizations from the FDA to utilize unproven but potentially life saving drugs (including vaccines) to protect military personnel.

    Final Reflections: Balancing the Risks and Benefits of Vaccines

    Vaccines are neither perfectly safe nor perfectly effective. Inevitably, some people will have adverse reactions to vaccines, and some people will not be adequately protected. From the inception of the VICP in 1988 to July 2021, 24,200 claims of either injury or death were submitted, and 8,162 (approximately 34%) of those claims ended with compensation for the plaintiffs. Different vaccines range in their efficacy, for example the MMR vaccine is 93% effective at one dose and 97% effective at two doses. Despite rare instances of adverse reactions and lack of efficacy, routine childhood vaccines will offer adequate protection and an overall decrease in morbidity and mortality for the vast majority of children who receive them. Over time, all 50 states observed the overwhelming reduction of disease burdens from the implementation of vaccination mandates and followed suit.

    One factor that complicates public approval and trust in vaccination mandates is the changes in calculated risk overtime after the implementation of a vaccination mandate. Once a vaccination mandate achieves the adequate percentages for herd immunity, the risk of contracting that disease drops precipitously. Prior to the implementation of the vaccination mandate, the risk of contracting the disease was likely high, therefore the benefits of vaccinating were more obvious. However, once herd immunity is achieved, the risk of contracting the disease lowers, and the risk of adverse reactions to the vaccine are weighed more heavily in the decision making process. This phenomena was apparent in the year 2000 when the United States had the lowest recorded rate of vaccine-preventable diseases in history. During that same year, the United States also had the largest immunization coverage among its domestic population. The preventable disease burden was so low that reports of adverse vaccine reactions appeared in news media more frequently than cases of preventable diseases. 

    When a disease is nearly eradicated, serious consideration needs to be given on continuing administration of the vaccine if it causes any rare but severe adverse reactions. A good example of this dilemma was deciding whether to administer the oral polio vaccine (OPV) or the inactive polio vaccine (IPV). The OPV offers the strongest protection against polio, and best prevents transmission overall. However, the OPV can cause paralysis. This adverse reaction is rare, occurring at a rate of around 1 in 2.4 million vaccinations. The risk of paralysis from wild poliovirus was much greater prior to the implementation of the vaccine, but over time cases of wild poliovirus dropped. The last instance of paralysis from wild poliovirus occurred in 1979. Every case of paralysis associated with the polio after 1979 occurred as a result of the vaccine. Although eradicated in the western hemisphere, poliovirus still exists in other regions of the world and can easily be reintroduced through international travel if herd immunity is not maintained. The IPV provides immunity against wild poliovirus without the risk of paralysis, albeit not as effectively. In 2000, the United States switched to a vaccine regimen that only utilized IPV due to the risks of OPV outweighing its benefits. 

    Appendix

    Table 1. Vaccines Mandated at Childcare and Public Educational Institutions

    VaccineDiseases Type of Disease
    DTaPDiphtheria, Tetanus and PertussisBacterial
    HepAHepatitis AViral
    HepBHepatitis BViral
    HibHaemophilus Influenzae type BBacterial
    HPVHuman PapillomavirusViral
    InfluenzaSeasonal InfluenzaViral
    MMRMeasles, Mumps, and RubellaViral
    Men ACWYMeningitis serogroups A, C, W, and YBacterial
    PCVStreptococcus pneumoniaeBacterial
    PolioPoliomyelitisViral
    RotavirusRotavirusViral
    TdapDiphtheria, Tetanus and Pertussis boosterBacterial
    VaricellaChickenpoxViral

    Table 2. CDC Immunization Schedule

    VaccinationsNumber of DosesTimeline of Doses by Age
    DTaP5Month 2, Month 4, Month 6, Months 15-18, Years 4-6
    HepA2Month 12, Month 18
    HepB3Birth, Months 1-2, Months 12-18
    Hib4Month 2, Month 4, Month 6, Months 12-15
    HPV2Year 9, 5 Months After 1st Dose
    InfluenzaAnnual 1 or 2 Month 6
    MMR2Months 12-15, Years 4-6
    Men ACWY2Years 11-12, Year 16
    PCV4Month 2, Month 4, Month 6, Months 12-15
    Polio4Month 2, Month 4, Months 6-18, Years 4-6
    Rotavirus3Month 2, Month 4, Month 6
    Tdap111-12 years
    Varicella2Months 12-15, Years 4-6

    Table 3. Vaccine Injury Table

    VaccineIllness, disability, injury or condition coveredTime period for first symptom or manifestation of onset or of significant aggravation after vaccine administration
    I. Vaccines containing tetanus toxoid A. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours.
    B. Brachial Neuritis2-28 days 
    C. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    D. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    II. Vaccines containing whole cell pertussis bacteria, extracted or partial cell pertussis bacteria, or specific pertussis antigen(s)A. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours.
    B. Encephalopathy or encephalitis≤72 hours.
    C. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    D. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour
    III. Vaccines containing measles, mumps, and rubella virus or any of its components A. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours
    B. Encephalopathy or encephalitis5-15 days
    C. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    D. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    IV. Vaccines containing rubella virus A. Chronic arthritis7-42 days
    V. Vaccines containing measles virus A. Thrombocytopenic purpura7-30 days
    B. Vaccine-Strain Measles Viral Disease in an immunodeficient recipient
    —Vaccine-strain virus identifiedNot applicable.
    —If strain determination is not done or if laboratory testing is inconclusive≤12 months.
    VI. Vaccines containing polio live virus A. Paralytic Polio
    —in a non-immunodeficient recipient≤30 days.
    —in an immunodeficient recipient≤6 months.
    —in a vaccine associated community caseNot applicable.
    B. Vaccine-Strain Polio Viral Infection
    —in a non-immunodeficient recipient≤30 days.
    —in an immunodeficient recipient≤6 months.
    —in a vaccine associated community caseNot applicable.
    VII. Vaccines containing polio inactivated virus A. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours.
    B. Shoulder Injury Related to  Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    C. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour
    VIII. Hepatitis B vaccinesA. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours.
    B. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    C. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    IX. Haemophilus influenzae type b (Hib) vaccinesA. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    B. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    X. Varicella vaccinesA. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours.
    B. Disseminated varicella vaccine-strain viral disease
    Vaccine-strain virus identifiedNot applicable.
    —If strain determination is not done or if laboratory testing is inconclusive7-42 days (not less than 7 days and not more than 42 days).
    C. Varicella vaccine-strain viral reactivationNot applicable.
    D. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    E. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    XI. Rotavirus vaccinesA. Intussusception1-21 days
    XII. Pneumococcal conjugate vaccinesA. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    B. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    XIII. Hepatitis A vaccinesA. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    B. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    XIV. Seasonal influenza vaccinesA. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours.
    B. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    C. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    D. Guillain-Barré Syndrome3-42 days 
    XV. Meningococcal vaccinesA. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours
    B. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    C. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    XVI. Human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccinesA. Anaphylaxis≤4 hours.
    B. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    C. Vasovagal syncope≤1 hour.
    XVII. Any new vaccine recommended by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention for routine administration to children, after publication by the Secretary of a notice of coverageA. Shoulder Injury Related to Vaccine Administration≤48 hours.
    B. Vasovagal syncope≤1hour

    Table 4. National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program Data

    VaccineTotal Doses Distributed 2006-2019Total Injury/Death Petitions FiledTotal Petitions AwardedTotal Petitions Dismissed
    DTaP109,991,074292163129
    DTaP-Hep B-IPV79,798,1411064363
    DTaP-Hib1,135,474532
    DTaP-IPV31,439,498954
    DTaP-IPV-Hib74,403,716561640
    Hep A-Hep B17,946,03830228
    Hep B-Hib4,787,457541
    Hep A203,339,060955936
    Hep B216,772,2591899693
    Hib137,675,315241410
    HPV132,062,306371146225
    Influenza1,842,400,00050004260740
    Inactivated Poliovirus (IPV)78,237,5321055
    Meningococcal119,054,485775720
    MMR116,647,585266132134
    MMR-Varicella32,226,723452619
    PCV269,907,9361589860
    Rotavirus125,787,826674819
    Td71,408,7851128428
    Tdap294,534,882643531112
    Tetanus3,836,052856421
    Varicella127,901,171734825

    Table 5. Vaccination Mandates Required and Exemptions Permitted in Each State

    StateVaccines RequiredExemptions Permitted
    AlabamaDTaP, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    AlaskaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MMR, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    ArizonaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical (school enrollees only)
    ArkansasDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    CaliforniaDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical
    ColoradoDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    ConnecticutDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, Influenza, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical
    DelawareDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    District of ColumbiaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, HPV, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    FloridaDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, VaricellaMedical and Religious
    GeorgiaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    HawaiiDTaP, Hep B, Hib, HPV, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, VaricellaMedical and Religious
    IdahoDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Rotavirus, Tdap, and Varicella Medical, Religious, and Philosophical
    IllinoisDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    IndianaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    IowaDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    KansasDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MMR, MenACWY, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious 
    KentuckyDTaP, HIB, Hep A, Hep B, MMR, MenACWY, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    LouisianaDTaP, HIB, Hep B, MenACWY, MMR, Polio, Rotavirus, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Philosophical
    MaineDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical
    MarylandDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    MassachusettsDTaP, Hep B, Hib, Influenza, MenACWY, MMR, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    MichiganDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    MinnesotaDTaP, Hep A,Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaReligious and Philosophical
    MississippiDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, VaricellaMedical
    MissouriDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical (Childcare Only)
    MontanaDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    NebraskaDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    NevadaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    NewhampshireDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    New JerseyDTaP, Hep B, Hib, Influenza, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    New MexicoDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    New YorkDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical
    North CarolinaDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and Varicella
    Medical and Religious
    North DakotaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Rotavirus, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    OhioDTaP, Hep A,Hep B, Hib, Influenza, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Rotavirus, Tdap, and Varicella Medical, Religious, and Philosophical
    OklahomaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    OregonDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MMR, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    PennsylvaniaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, Influenza, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Rotavirus, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    Rhode IslandDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, HPV, Influenza, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Rotavirus, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious 
    South CarolinaDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    South DakotaDTaP, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, Polio, Tdap, and Varicella Medical and Religious
    TennesseeDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    TexasDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    UtahDTaP, Hep A, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and Varicella Medical, Religious, and Philosophical
    VermontDTaP Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious
    VirginiaDTapP HPV, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical (HPV Only)
    WashingtonDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical (Except MMR)
    West VirginiaDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MenACWY, MMR, PCV, Polio, Rotavirus, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical
    WisconsinDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical, Religious, and Philosophical
    WyomingDTaP, Hep B, Hib, MMR, PCV, Polio, Tdap, and VaricellaMedical and Religious

    Table 6. Comparison of Twentieth Century Annual Morbidity and Current Morbidity of Vaccine-Preventable Diseases of Children in the United States

    DiseaseAnnual Average 3 Years Pre-VaccineCases in 2000Percent Decrease
    Smallpox48,1640100
    Diphtheria175,885499.99
    Measles503,2828199.98
    Mumps152,20932399.80
    Pertussis147,271675595.40
    Polio (Paralytic)16,3160100
    Rubella47,74515299.70
    Congenital Rubella823799.10
    Tetanus1,3142698.00
    Hib20,00016799.10

    Table 7. Vaccination Coverage Levels Among Children Aged 19–35 Months in the United States, 2000

    Vaccine and Number of DosesPercent Coverage
    3 DTP94.1%
    4 DTP81.7%
    3 Polio89.5%
    3 Hib93.4%
    1 MMR90.5%
    3 Hepatitis B90.3%
    Varicella67.8%
    4 DTP, 3 Polio, and 1 MMR77.6%
    4 DTP, 3 Polio, 1 MMR, and 3 Hib76.2%
    4 DTP, 3 Polio, 1 MMR, 3 Hib, and 3 Hep B72.8%
  • Understanding the Bears Ears National Monument Debate

    Understanding the Bears Ears National Monument Debate

    Background

    Located towards the southeastern corner of Utah sits a region of land commonly referred to as “Bears Ears.” Named after two distinct twin buttes (steep, isolated hills) resembling the small ears of a bear, this desert landscape and its resources have become the center of a hotly contested debate spanning the last three presidential administrations.

    Bears Ears is rich with ecological, cultural, and archaeological resources. A wide variety of wildlife species such as black bears, bald eagles, and tiger salamanders inhabit this desert ecosystem. Furthermore, an even larger number of plant species can be found in Bears Ears, including yucca trees, prickly pear cacti, primrose flowers, and more. Among the Bears Ears flora and fauna are a number of endangered species (e.g. the southwestern willow flycatcher), making Bears Ears a unique haven for plants and animals threatened with extinction.

    The significance of Bears Ears goes beyond its biodiversity, as over 30 Native Tribes and Pueblos hold deep spiritual and cultural connections to this land. Traces of indigenous settlements in Bears Ears have been dated to approximately 12,000 years B.C.E. Many indigenous individuals still visit Bears Ears to hunt, gather herbs, forage for food, and perform ceremonies, much like their ancestors. Additionally, the presence of sacred structures such as centuries-old graves, shrines, and more, allow Native groups to learn and connect with the history of their culture.

    With such a long history of indigenous settlements, Bears Ears unsurprisingly contains an abundance of archaeological resources. Some well-preserved artifacts and sites include cliffside houses, roads, wall carvings, kivas (structures used for political meetings and spiritual ceremonies), granaries, and more. Archaeologists have estimated that the region is home to over 100,000 sites, making Bears Ears one of the most significant locations for archaeology within the United States. 

    Obama Administration: National Monument Designation

    In 2015, a group of Native tribes and pueblos submitted a proposal to President Barack Obama requesting that 1.9 million acres of the Bears Ears region be designated as a National Monument. This alliance is known as the Bears Ears Inter-Tribal Coalition, a team composed of the Hopi, Navajo, Uintah & Ouray Ute, Ute Mountain Ute, and Zuni Governments. The designation of an area as a National Monument provides it with special protections, such as banning oil drilling and mining, creating barriers for the development of new roads, and preventing land sales for commercial or private uses. Seeking to preserve many of the “prehistoric, historic, and scientific values” discussed in the coalition’s proposal, Obama wrote a proclamation declaring Bears Ears as a National Monument in 2016. This move was made using the Antiquities Act of 1906, a law which gives presidents the authority to establish national monuments at will. In total, the Bears Ears National Monument spanned over 1.35 million acres, making it one of the largest national monuments at the time.

    Obama’s designation of Bears Ears as a protected National Monument was widely celebrated by a variety of environmental organizations, archaeologists, paleontologists, and Native tribes. In contrast, many Republicans, business owners, and local ranchers disagreed with Obama’s designation of the Bears Ears National Monument.

    Trump Administration: Significant Downsizing of Monument

    Among the more notable Republicans opposed to the monument were John Curtis, Jason Chaffetz, and then-Utah governor Gary Herbert. After citing damaging economic implications of the monument such as forgone employment opportunities, developments within the region, and tax revenue, Herbert signed an official resolution requesting that President Donald Trump delist Bears Ears as a National Monument in February of 2017.

    By December 4, 2017, President Trump reduced the size of the Bears Ears National Monument by approximately 85%. This 1,150,860 acre reduction came after Trump claimed it was “unnecessary for the care and management of the objects to be protected within the monument.” The Trump Administration’s decision was met with harsh criticism and immediate backlash. According to law professors from four different universities, Trump did not have the authority to diminish the size of National Monuments. They argue that neither the Antiquities Act, nor the Federal Land Policy and Management Act of 1976, gives the President the power to revoke designations of National Monuments. The long and complicated history of the Antiquities Act has left substantial room for debate on whether or not Trump’s actions are legal. You can learn more about the Antiquities Act through this ACE brief (link Layla’s brief once uploaded). 

    In response to the size cuts of Bears Ears, two separate lawsuits were filed. One lawsuit, filed by the Natural Resources Defense Council on behalf of 10 other environmental organizations, argues that Trump’s actions were unlawful, as only Congress can alter national monuments. Another lawsuit opposing reductions of Bears Ears was filed by several Native American tribes, including the Hopi Tribe. They believe that Trump went against the Antiquities Act and violated a separation of powers between the executive and legislative branches of government, as he supposedly infringed on Congress’s powers.

    Conversely, others argue that Trump was well within his powers to alter the monument. Because the Antiquities Act says nothing against shrinking monuments, and because seven Presidents have done so in the past, they believe there is no reason Trump cannot do the same. 

    Biden Administration: Efforts to Restore Lost Land

    Immediately after being sworn into office on January 20, 2021, current President Joe Biden signed an executive order seeking to restore National Monuments. In his executive order, he states that a formal review of the Bears Ears National Monument boundary will be conducted in order to determine whether any alterations are necessary. Following the completion of the review, the Secretary of the Interior will instruct him on how to proceed. With Deb Haaland as the first Native American Secretary of the Interior, many are hopeful that she will suggest an expansion of the monument size to some degree.

    Main Arguments For and Against Bears Ears

    As evidenced by the contents of this brief, discussions of why the Bears Ears region deserves to stand as a National Monument vary widely. To summarize, some of the main arguments supporting the designation of Bears Ears include:

    • Environmental Conservation: Designating Bears Ears as a National Monument would protect valuable, pristine habitats currently untouched by human development.
    • Aesthetic Beauty: The unique beauty of the Bears Ears region is a feature that many claim is worth protecting. 
    • Endangered Species Protection: The endangered species living within Bears Ears would likely see their habitats reduced without land protections, threatening the survival of the species. 
    • Sacred Land Protection: Bears Ears is a sacred land for many indigenous tribes, and federally protecting it would preserve areas that have held religious significance for thousands of years. Many native tribes have expressed strong support of the Bears Ears National monument, and because indigenous peoples are the original inhabitants of these lands, many argue that their needs and wants should be honored. 
    • Protection of Ancient Structures and Artifacts: Bears Ears hosts thousands of ancient indigenous structures and artifacts, and many claim that designating it as a National Monument would protect these historical features from activities such as looting, off-road riding, vandalism, and development. 
    • Paleontological Resources (Fossils): Bears Ears is rich with paleontological resources, containing fossils from hundreds of millions of years ago. The paleontological research potential of Bears Ears is notable, and providing Bears Ears with robust federal protections will ensure scientists can mindfully study its resources. 
    • Local Economy Boost: Many argue that National Monuments do not typically harm local economies, rather, they can provide economic boosts by growing adjacent businesses. 

    Some of the main arguments against protecting Bears Ears include:

    • Excessive Size: Many, including previous Utah governor Gary Herbert and President Trump, argue that the original Bears Ears Monument designated by President Obama was excessive and unnecessary. They believe a smaller monument is sufficient to adequately protect Bears Ears’ most important objects. 
    • Oil, Gas, and Coal Extraction: It is estimated that around 11 billion tons of coal, oil, gas, and other minerals lay within the Bears Ears region. Many believe opening up these lands for resource extraction is beneficial for the economy and will put people to work. 
    • Uranium Mining: Some argue that uranium reserves within the Bears Ears region should be extracted and added to the United States stockpile. Uranium is used to run nuclear power plants, and creation of mines could create jobs and aid the Utah economy.

    Harmful Economic Outcomes: Governor Herbert argued that because National Monuments are federal land and not subject to property taxes, the Utah school systems will suffer as a result. Additionally, Herbert claims that the current economic deprivation experienced by Utah residents will not be improved from simply increased tourism

  • The Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and Its Implications

    The Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and Its Implications

    What is Nagorno-Karabakh?

    The landlocked, mountainous region of Nagorno-Karabakh in the South Caucasus has seen some of the most consistent, brutal fighting in the post-Soviet world. Although it is a small region, Nagorno-Karabakh has existed at the junction between many historic powers such as the Russian, Ottoman, and Persian Empires. Thus, the region has developed a great diversity in language, religion, and ethnicity, each of which has significantly contributed to its history. During the Soviet era, the region was known as the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) in the Azerbaijan Soviet Social Republic (ASSR). Although located within the ASSR, the NKAO was populated primarily by Armenians with Azerbaijani and Russian minorities. These groups coexisted peacefully until the late 1980s when the disintegration of the Soviet Union gave way to increased nationalist sentiment on both sides. By the late 1980s, the NKAO received aid from the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, and relations developed between the two groups. 

    The territory is currently internationally recognized as part of the Republic of Azerbaijan, despite attempts by ethnic Armenians to unite the NKAO with the Armenian SSR and the successor state, the Republic of Armenia. The Republic of Artsakh is an internationally unrecognized state inside Azerbaijan that is predominantly ethnic-Armenian. It wields de facto control over parts of Nagorno-Karabakh from its capital Stepanakert.

    Map

Description automatically generated

    Geographic location of Nagorno-Karabakh region – Image Courtesy of Al Jazeera

    Mapping the Conflict

    First Nagorno-Karabakh War (1988-1994): While citizens of the Soviet Union, ethnic Armenians and Azerbaijanis lived peacefully. However, as the USSR deteriorated, so did relations between the two groups. Subsequently, war broke out between the Armenian and Azerbaijani Soviet Republics in 1988 and ended in 1994, just a few years after both countries achieved independence from the USSR in 1991. The Armenian side was ultimately victorious and made significant territorial gains as the Republic of Artsakh gained de facto independence status and unification with the Republic of Armenia. However, the Azerbaijani Supreme Soviet (the body akin to Congress) rejected this status and gained recognition from the international community as the sole ruler of the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

    Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict (2016): The period between 1994 and 2016 saw some minor outbreaks of violence violence which did not comparable to the first war. This relatively peaceful period ended in early April 2016 when fighting broke out on a larger scale, with both sides asserting that the other instigated the fighting. Between April 2nd and the 5th, dozens of soldiers and several civilians were killed on both sides of the conflict. While there was no clear winner following the ceasefire agreement, Azerbaijan won a symbolic victory as its success proved that it had become a match for Armenia since the previous conflict. 

    Nagorno-Karabakh War (2020): September through November of 2020 saw the most intense and devastating fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh in the post-Soviet era. Azerbaijan’s superior military capability led to a decisive victory. Azerbaijan regained much of the territory it had lost in the previous conflicts, including five cities, four towns, and 286 villages. However, it did not take Stepanakert, the capital of Artsakh, which remains in Armenian hands under the protection of Russian peacekeepers. While the territorial gains and losses were significant for both sides, the loss of life was also significant. Nearly 6,000 people were killed during the war, including 77 Armenian and 92 Azerbaijani non-combatants. Additionally, over 130,000 people were displaced, including approximately 90,600 people from Nagorno-Karabakh who moved to Armenia and approximately 40,000 from areas near the line of contact on the Azerbaijani side. Although the subsequent ceasefire was met with joy in Baku and anger in Yerevan, the human costs were extremely detrimental on both sides.

    Map showing the terms of the peace deal

    Territorial changes after the 2020 peace deal – Image Courtesy of BBC

    Actors and Their Motivations

    Republic of Artsakh: Self-determination is the driving motivator for the unrecognized state of the Republic of Artsakh. At present, Artsakh is not recognized by a single United Nations member, including Armenia. However, it is recognized by the non-UN member, unrecognized states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, both located in Georgia, and Transnistria, located in Moldova. It suffered significant territorial losses to Azerbaijan during the 2020 conflict, and its reliance on Armenia for political, economic, and military assistance indicates that it may be unstable were it to achieve independence. 

    Republic of Armenia: Armenia is motivated by the geopolitics of the South Caucasus. It is bordered by an unfriendly Turkey to the west and Azerbaijan to the east. A fellow ethnic-Armenian state in Artsakh makes for a critical ally, despite not formally recognizing its existence. Armenia may also view the Nagorno-Karabakh region as a historic piece of Greater Armenia, and retaining the territory would represent a victory for the Armenian diaspora.

    Republic of Azerbaijan: While Armenia and Artsakh are motivated by their shared ethnic background and desire for self-determination, Azerbaijan is motivated by its desire to maintain its territorial integrity. Nagorno-Karabakh, which accounts for roughly five percent of Azerbaijani territory, is internationally recognized as Azerbaijan. Despite this distinction, Nagorno-Karabakh is populated almost exclusively by ethnic Armenians, with a few hundred ethnic Azerbaijanis and Russians. However, with the territorial changes resulting from the war in 2020, it is likely that ethnic Azerbaijanis will move into the territory retained by Azerbaijan.

    January 2021 Meeting between Armenian PM Pashinyan, Azerbaijani President Aliyev, and Russian President Putin – Image Courtesy of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

    Republic of Turkey: Turkey has been a fervent supporter of Azerbaijan and contributed to its military buildup since the early 1990s. The nationalistic government in Ankara has utilized the common Turkic background shared by the two countries to strengthen their interstate relationship and garner support for the Azerbaijani cause in Turkey. In addition, relations between Turks and Armenians have been historically hostile and are officially non-existent. President Erdogan of Turkey has insisted that Armenia withdraw from occupied Azerbaijani territory.

    Russian Federation: Although Russia has been a traditional ally to Armenia, it is a neutral actor and has actively supplied weapons to each side since the 1990s. Despite this, Russia does not want a conflict near its borders. It leveraged its position as the regional hegemonic power to become an arbiter during negotiations between the warring parties and deployed its forces as peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh. Peace in Nagorno-Karabakh may depend on how long Russia stays in the region as a peacekeeping force.

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    Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh – Image Courtesy of Reporters Without Borders

    United States of America: Unlike Russia, the United States is not particularly involved in the region. However, both the Biden and Trump administrations attempted to secure peace between both sides. While the United States is not a regional actor, it does have a vested interest in securing peace. The United States’ NATO ally Turkey is closely aligned to Azerbaijan. If the conflict were to grow, the United States could find itself at odds with an Armenia-aligned Russia.

    Future of Armenian-Azerbaijani Relations

    Lachin Corridor : The Lachin Corridor is a narrow swath of land which connects Armenia and Artsakh. The corridor is a significant economic factor in Nagorno-Karabakh because it allows for the movement of people and goods from Armenia to Artsakh, although much of the surrounding territory was retaken by Azerbaijan in 2020. Presently, the Lachin Corridor is under the control of Russian peacekeeping forces per the 2020 armistice agreement.

    Nakhchivan: Although located outside of the Nagorno-Karabakh region, the Azerbaijani autonomous exclave of Nakhchivan is not immune to interstate fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan. In 2021, armed forces from Armenia and Azerbaijan clashed along the border of Nakhchivan and Armenia, resulting in one injury on both sides. The situation in Nakhchivan is only just developing, and further clashes could trigger a more significant regional conflict.

    neighbors_map

    Lachin Corridor and Nakhchivan – Image Courtesy of Eurasian Geopolitics

  • U.S. Asylum Policy Paper

    U.S. Asylum Policy Paper

    Introduction

    The landmark 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act and 1980 Refugee Act codified the right of any person who has been persecuted or has a well-founded fear of persecution on account of five main factors: race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion, to seek safety in the United States. These people are known as “forcibly displaced.” Forcibly displaced people in the US fall into two main categories: refugees and asylum-seekers. Refugees apply for entry into the US and are approved for resettlement while outside of the US. Asylum-seekers apply at a port of entry or from inside the country.

    The United States recognized the need for refugee and asylum programs following the devastation of World War II and the large population of displaced people. Asylum infrastructure developed throughout the following decades. Modern conflicts have generated large numbers of people seeking asylum which have proved challenging for asylum infrastructure to manage. While the United States once led the world in asylum resettlement, it now faces international scrutiny for human rights violations against asylum seekers.

    Historical Overview of US Refugee and Asylum Policy

    Pre-1939 System

    Asylum-seekers were not distinguished from other immigrants, and were processed using the same criteria and methods. For much of the US’s history there were few restrictions on immigration.

    1939-1945 World War II

    World War II had a profound impact on the international response to displaced people. An estimated 60 million people were homeless and displaced following the war. This created the need for international recognition for displaced people and a system of relocating them. In addition, many persecuted people fleeing during World War II with credible cause found themselves turned away from safe countries. One example of this was a ship carrying 900 Jews fleeing Germany in 1939, which was sent back to Germany after making port in the US and asking for asylum. More than half of the passengers who returned to Germany were killed. Stories like these created an international desire for asylum processes, so that the fate of those passengers would not be repeated. However, the international community has not always lived up to this goal.

    1948 Displaced Persons Act

    This act codified the notion that displaced people have a right to enter the US, which had not been established through law previously.

    1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees

    This convention was held by the newly-created United Nations to create protocols for displaced people following World War II. Initially, the protocols only referred to people who had been displaced by events prior to 1951 (i.e. World War II) but the purview was later expanded. Although the title refers specifically to refugees, at this time there was not a distinction between refugees and asylum seekers. The protocols designated several key definitions and laws which applied to all member states:

    1. Defined refugee as a person who has fled their country of origin and is unable or unwilling to return because of a well-founded fear of being persecuted because of their race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion.
    2. Created the international law that no person should be forced to return to a country where they fear threats to life or freedom, known as refoulement.
    3. Included the note that oftentimes people need to break immigration laws in order to claim asylum, and it is illegal to prosecute them for breaking those laws.
    4. Set out expectations that those granted asylum would have the same right to public services and work authorization as citizens of the host country.
    5. Excluded people who commit serious crimes, including war crimes and crimes against humanity (deliberate acts which cause suffering or death on a large scale), from these protections.

    1965 Immigration and Nationalities Act Amendments

    The amendments to the Immigration and Nationalities Act (originally passed in 1952) allowed for the conditional entry of people into the US who could credibly demonstrate they were persecuted or feared persecution on account of race, religion, or political opinion.

    1967-8 United Nations Protocol and US Accession

    This protocol expanded the 1951 Convention policies towards all displaced people, not just ones displaced from World War II. The following year, the United States acceded (in international law, to become party to an agreement or treaty) to the UN Protocol.

    1980 Refugee Act and Interim Regulations

    The Refugee Act contained several key provisions relating to asylum-seekers:

    1. The formal process for applying for asylum at a port of entry was established. 
    2. Asylum-seekers became able to apply for lawful permanent residence (green cards) after one year in the country.
    3. The right of every person to claim asylum was established, regardless of the country or region they come from. This means that people could not be discriminated against in the asylum process based on their country of origin.

    The Interim Regulations laid out the asylum process in more detail, including that asylum-seekers have the burden of proving they are eligible for asylum, can be granted work authorization while awaiting a decision, and those individuals who are eligible for permanent residency in another country (different from their home country) or who pose a threat to the United States are not eligible for asylum.

     1990 Final Rule on Asylum

    The Final Rule was a list of principles and regulations put out by the Immigration and Naturalization Service which established core principles governing how asylum claims should be adjudicated:

    1. Asylum seekers must demonstrate they face continuing or future persecution in their country of origin, not just past persecution.
    2. An individual’s testimony is sufficient basis for demonstrating eligibility for asylum; they do not have to have corroborating evidence so long as their testimony is consistent with what is known by the US government about the conditions in the county.
    3. An individual qualifies for asylum if they demonstrate that they are part of a group which is persecuted based on one of the protected categories (race, religion, nationality, and membership of a particular social group or political opinion), even if they have not personally been persecuted.

    1990 Immigration Act

    The 1990 Immigration Act barred individuals convicted of an “aggravated felony” in the US from seeking asylum. 

    1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act and Implementation (IIRIA)

    This act expanded the definition of someone who could apply for asylum to include individuals who had been victims of “coercive population control” in the form of a forced abortion or sterilization. In addition, it created three limitations on asylum applications:

    1. Applicants must apply for asylum within one year of entering the United States, barring extraordinary circumstances.
    2. Otherwise-eligible applicants can instead be removed to a safe third country “pursuant to an agreement” between the countries, where the individual would be eligible for asylum or similar protection.
    3. Otherwise-eligible applicants who could reasonably be expected to relocate within their own country are not accepted.

    The IIRIA also created the “expedited removal” process, which allows individuals arriving without valid documentation to be deported by an immigration officer without legal counsel or an immigration judge. Individuals being interviewed for expedited removal can express the intent to apply for asylum, at which time they are given a credible fear interview by an asylum officer. If the asylum officer thinks they demonstrate that there is a “significant possibility” that they will qualify for asylum, they are able to continue with the asylum process. If not, they are deported. This process is visualized in a diagram in Appendix 2.

    2002 Creation of Department of Homeland Security

    After 9/11, Congress passed the Homeland Security Act to consolidate the 22 existing US organizations relating to the issue of “homeland security” into one organization: the Department of Homeland Security. Notably, Immigration and Naturalization Service, which was originally under the Department of Justice, was then incorporated into DHS and split into 3 agencies: U.S. Customs and Border Protection, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. ICE is the largest investigative agency within DHS, with approximately 20,000 employees in 400 offices. It has 2 divisions: Homeland Security Investigations and Enforcement & Removal Operations. The latter is responsible for enforcing the nation’s immigration laws and ensuring the departure of removable immigrants from the United States. 

    2016 Changes to Asylum Policy

    The Department of Justice under the Trump Administration undertook five steps to reduce the number of asylum-seekers admitted into the US.

    • Metering: metering is a process whereby only a set number of people per day are allowed to begin their asylum claim at a port of entry.
    • Family Separation: also know as the “Zero Tolerance Policy,” this involved separating parents seeking asylum from their children, to disincentivize asylum applicants and undocumented immigration. 
    • Remain in Mexico: the Migrant Protection Protocols allow the US government to deport asylum-seekers who crossed through Mexico in order to make their asylum claim back to Mexico for the duration of the adjudication process, rather than allowing them to reside in the US.
    • Narrowing the ground for asylum: individuals who experienced persecution at the hands of non-state actors faced a significantly higher burden of proof to qualify for asylum. This primarily impacted victims of domestic and gang violence.
    • Transit-Country Asylum Ban: this ban required asylum seekers who pass through Mexico on their way to the United States to demonstrate that they had applied for asylum in Mexico first.

    2021 Changes to Asylum Policy

    Since taking office in January 2021, the Biden administration has made a handful of changes to the Trump administration’s asylum policies. They are discussed in further detail in the Current Policies section.

    Read More

    • Read more about the 1951 UN Refugee Convention 
    • President Truman’s message about the importance of providing a safe home for refugees in the US following the refugee crisis of World War II

    Background

    Statistics on US Asylum

    There is no set limit on how many asylum claims can be granted per year. Applicants must apply for asylum within a year of entering the United States in order to be considered, unless they demonstrate extraordinary circumstances preventing them from doing so. Asylum grantees in recent years primarily came from China, Venezuela and countries in Central America like Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, otherwise known as the Northern Triangle.

    Figure 1: Asylum Applications and Acceptances (2012-2017)

    As can be seen in Figure 1, the number of asylum applicants has increased throughout the decade. This is due to increased authoritarianism in China and instability and gang violence in Central America. Contrary to a widely-held belief, only a fraction of asylum seekers are from Mexico. Instead, many asylum seekers originate further south and pass through Mexico to seek asylum on the southern border. While the number of asylum applications has increased, the overall number of people attempting to enter the United States via the border with Mexico is at a historic low. 

    The Southern Border: Asylum Seekers and Undocumented Immigrants

    One major pathway for asylum seekers from Central and Latin America is to travel through Mexico and apply at a port of entry on the US’s southern border. This is a also a common route for undocumented immigrants to enter the country. The media narrative in the US has focused in recent years on people approaching the southern border and portrayed the issue as a crisis. However, it is important to note that while asylum seekers have increased across the span of the decade, undocumented immigrant entries have decreased and overall border crossings are at a historic low according to the Department of Homeland Security. As can be seen in Figure 2, overall border crossings have been declining since the early 2000s.

    Figure 2: Total Apprehensions at the southern border (1975-2018)

    Why People Are Seeking Asylum

    China: Individuals flee China primarily due to the Chinese government’s crackdown on freedom of expression and religious liberties. Chinese citizens face some of the strictest censorship laws in the world, and minor acts of defiance can result in criminal prosecution and a prison sentence. A 2017 report from Freedom House suggested that at least 100 million Chinese citizens faced “high” or “very high” levels of religious persecution. Because of this, many Chinese people seek asylum in the US on the basis of political opinion or religious persecution.

    Northern Triangle (Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador): Push factors, or social and economic factors causing people to leave a country, are often intertwined, which means understanding and addressing the issues has to be done holistically. Many people in the Northern Triangle countries suffer from chronic poverty, a problem which is exacerbated by weak governments which cannot provide a sufficient social safety net or economic opportunity, and extreme weather conditions like flooding, drought, and hurricanes. Poor economic conditions are not sufficient causes for asylum applications to the US, but the chronic poverty and weak government provided a fertile recruitment ground for gangs and international drug cartels.

    Figure 4: Poverty Rate (2014)

    Poverty rates in this region are some of the worst in Latin America, and the homicide rates are the worst in the world. Homicides in Honduras had just a 4% conviction rate from from 2010 to 2013, and there is a pervasive sense that criminals can operate with impunity. The International Crisis Group’s research into gang violence in El Salvador found that El Salvador has more gang members than police officers (60,000 to 52,0000) and roughly 8% of the country’s entire population is part of the gang social support base. The two primary actors in the region are the gangs MS-13 and 18th Street. Women are especially impacted by gang activities; sexual violence and femicide are common and the governments’ lack of efficacy on tackling gang-related crimes as well as the disempowered position of women generally mean there is often little protection or recourse for these crimes.

    Instability in the region and high demand for drugs in the US has caused Central America to become a major highway for drug trafficking. The United States is the largest cocaine market in the world, and international drug traffickers took root in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador to transport cocaine from the Andean production region. The wealth associated with the drug trade, contrasted with the poverty of the region, empowers traffickers to recruit locals as transporters, commit violence against those who resist, and claim sovereignty over key routes, all with relative impunity.

    Read More

    • For an overview of the legal immigration system and more information on each of the four main entry paths for permanent residents, read this primer from the Migration Policy Institute.
    • This interactive chart demonstrates the annual number of people granted permanent residency in the US from 1820 to the present day.

    Current Policies and Challenges

    Homeland Security’s Role in US Immigration

    Immigration services were handled by the Department of Justice up until the official establishment of the Department of Homeland Security in 2002. Following this, the Department of Homeland Security established three new agencies to take on the new roles that encompass immigration services. These new agencies were the Bureau of Customs and Border Protection, the Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and the Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services. Each of these agencies are assigned specific roles and responsibilities to ensure American safety and security.

    The Bureau of Customs and Border Protection (CBP) is responsible for protecting the 328 ports of entry in the United States and enforcing the hundreds of laws and regulations that provide safety to citizens and trade. As part of their duty, CBP can question, investigate, and detain aliens arriving at any U.S. port of entry. The United States Border Patrol is a subset of this agency and is responsible for monitoring all land borders of the United States. Their jurisdiction to investigate, arrest, and detain aliens is within 99 miles of land borders

    As CBP’s roles and responsibilities are mainly limited to borders and points of entry, the Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is responsible for enforcing immigration laws in the remaining areas of the United States. In addition to the enforcement of immigration law, ICE investigates, arrests, detains, and removes illegal aliens. They also identify smugglers, locate persons illegally in the U.S., handle the illegal employment of aliens, combat money-laundering, and, through their attorneys, represent the U.S. government in immigration prosecutions. In general, CBP and ICE have very similar responsibilities but with different jurisdictions.

    U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (CIS) is responsible for reviewing applications for permanent residency and citizenship. While it is not a law enforcement agency, CIS has some similar roles to the other agencies as it approves immigrant visas and can send individuals to immigration court. Additionally, those seeking asylum apply through this agency.

    Processing Asylum Claims

    Asylum-seekers can apply through an affirmative or defensive process. Charts visualizing the path of asylum seekers through the affirmative and defensive process can be found in Appendix 2.

    Affirmative applications come from individuals already inside the US who are not in the process of being removed. Individuals could have entered the country on a legal visa, or entered without legal documentation. Affirmative applicants apply through US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), an agency of the Department of Homeland Security. They undergo background and security checks to make sure they are not a threat to the United States, which would disqualify them from asylum status. Affirmative applicants meet with a USCIS officer to demonstrate their asylum case, and can bring legal counsel and evidence to support their claim. USCIS officers can grant asylum based on the meeting with the applicant. If the officer decides there is not sufficient evidence that the applicant qualifies for asylum, and the applicant does not have a valid visa to be in the country, they are referred to an immigration judge for deportation proceedings where they can also apply for the defensive asylum process. If the officer decides there is not sufficient evidence but the applicant has a valid visa to be in the country, the application is simply denied.

    Figure 5: Outcomes of Affirmative Asylum Applications (2017)

    Defensive applications come from individuals without a lawful method of entry into the US, either at a port of entry (like the southern border), or who entered the country without a visa and are in the process of being removed. As discussed in the Historical Overview section, defensive applicants at the US border are subject to expedited removal, where they have an interview with a USCIS asylum officer who determines whether they are likely to be granted asylum. If they are deemed to be not likely, they are immediately deported. Those who are likely to be granted asylum continue with the defensive process. Defensive applicants are processed by the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), an agency in the Department of Justice. The next step in the process is a hearing on the asylum application with an immigration judge. In the hearing, an attorney from Immigration and Customs Department (ICE) presents arguments for deporting the applicant, and the applicant or their representative can present evidence on behalf of their asylum claim. The immigration judge then makes a decision about the asylum applications.

    The following chart demonstrates the structure of the different government bodies which are responsible for aspects of the asylum process.    

    Figure 6: Structure of Government Involved in Asylum Processing

    There are two main challenges associated with the defensive asylum process. First, a comprehensive investigation by the University of Pennsylvania Law Review found that access to representation was unequal across asylum seekers, but having representation made a significant difference in the outcome of the hearing. The researchers found that only 37% of defensive asylum seekers had legal representation, but those with representation were fifteen times more likely to secure asylum status. Asylum seekers who are poorer or located in rural areas were found to be disadvantaged in securing representation. While asylum seekers have the right to representation if they choose, in practice many do not have the opportunity to secure one because of their geographic location, financial situation, or if they are held in detention facilities prior to their hearing. Legal representation makes such a great impact because many asylum seekers are not familiar with the complex legal proceedings and do not speak English as a first language. The chasm between successful claims with and without legal representation suggests that the current system may be turning away valid asylum claims. A different reading of the facts could be that lawyers choose to work with applicants who they see as having strong cases for asylum.

    Another challenge in the defensive asylum process is the disparity in outcomes based on the immigration judge assigned to adjudicate the case. A 2017 report on asylum outcomes by judge found that the outcome of an asylum case varies, on average, by 56% depending on the judge adjudicating the case. This means that “a typical asylum seeker might have only a 15% chance of being granted asylum all the way up to a 71% chance depending on the particular judge assigned to hear the case.” The variation in outcomes again indicates that people fleeing genuine persecution may be turned away from safety in the US, and that there is potential for individuals taking advantage of the system to receive asylum.

    Figure 7: Approved Asylum Applications (1990-2018)

    Work Authorization

    Asylum-seekers whose claims take longer than 180 days to be processed are granted work authorization in the US until a decision has been reached, so that they are able to support themselves and their dependents. Prior to the 2019 Migration Protection Protocols, they were allowed to reside in the US or in detention facilities during the first 180 days, but not work.

    Overloading the Asylum System

    Figure 1: Asylum Applications and Acceptances (2012-2017)

    As demonstrated by Figure 1, the caseload for both USCIS and EOIR has ballooned across the decade as instability in Latin America has led to a massive increase in asylum applications. The budget, facilities, and staff of both departments are not capable of processing three times as many cases in the same amount of time, leading to a backlog of tens of thousands of asylum cases. At the end of 2010 there was a 6,000 case backlog. At the end of 2018 the backlog stood at 645,000 cases. The average asylum application in 2018 took 1,071 days (almost 3 years) to reach a final decision.

    In addition to the system being unequipped to handle the number of asylum claims that regularly occur, several structural challenges encourage additional asylum claims which only serve to bog down the system further. 

    1. Because of the 180 days work visa rule, and the fact that almost all claims take longer than 180 days to process, there is an incentive for people without valid asylum claims to apply in pursuit of the US work authorization, expecting that it will take months or years for their case to be thrown out. 55,000 work authorizations were granted in 2012, but that number jumped to 270,000 in 2016 as the backlog increased and it took longer and longer to process a case. However, it is important to note that the majority of asylum seekers over the past ten years are families and unaccompanied minors, which are not the demographics who generally migrate in search of work. Single men are generally the demographic group migrating in search of work. This indicates that while some individuals are abusing the system, to gain work authorization, that is not indicative of the majority of asylum claims. 

    1. The second structural challenge is a process called “cancellation of removal,” which creates additional work for USCIS to process. “Cancellation of removal” allows undocumented immigrants who have resided in the US for more than ten years to normalize their residency status because their deportation would cause hardship for a US citizen. The only way to apply for cancellation of removal is by being in the process of being deported. The process is:
      1. Apply for asylum affirmatively with USCIS (without expecting to be successful)
      2. Get turned down due to arriving in the country more than a year prior to applying 
      3. Get referred to the defensive process 
      4. Request the cancellation for removal. 

    22,700 cases attributed to the cancellation of removal process were filed in 2016 alone, contributing to the asylum backlog.

    Detention Centers

    Individuals apprehended at the border or in removal processes are placed in immigration detention centers which are run by ICE, including asylum seekers applying through the defensive process. Asylum seekers can be released from detention centers by two methods; parole or bond:

    1. Parole: The Department of Homeland Security has directed ICE to release asylum seekers on parole at the discretion of the ICE agent. The agent should take into account if the asylum seeker is a flight risk, and if it is “in the public interest” to keep them detained because they are a danger to the community. From 2011 to 2013, 92% of asylum seekers were paroled. Since 2017, 4% of asylum seekers across five main detention centers have received parole. In a detention center in New Orleans, 24.5% of parole applications were denied in 2016, while 100% were denied in 2019. 
    2. Bond: Asylum seekers can also be released on bond, based on factors like flight risk and previous court appearances. The minimum bond amount is $1,500, which is out of reach for many asylum seekers.

    The combination of increased asylum applications, longer processing wait times, and decreased parole means that the size and cost of detention centers is steadily increasing. In 2019, ICE detention centers cost $3.2 billion directly, and appropriated more funding from other agencies within the Department of Homeland Security. The Trump administration requested $4.1 billion for ICE detention centers for 2021.

    Figure 8: Population of Detention Centers

    Reforms Under the Biden Administration

    During the campaign, Biden made numerous promises in regard to immigration, refugee, and asylum policy. Some of these promises included $4 billion in aid to the Northern Triangle countries, ending the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance policy,” and increasing the refugee cap by 15,000. Since coming into office in January 2021, the Biden administration has implemented the following policies.

    • Family Reunification Task Force: On February 2nd, 2021, President Biden signed an executive order establishing a task force with the mission of working “across the U.S. government, with key stakeholders and representatives of impacted families, and with partners across the hemisphere to find parents and children separated by the Trump Administration.”
    • Revoked the Migrant Protection Protocols: In addition to the previous executive order, President Biden also signed one that ended the MPP which, commonly referred to as “remain in Mexico,” forced asylum seekers to stay in Mexico as their applications were processed. As one of the first moves by the Biden administration, newly appointed Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas ended the practice. Secretary Mayorkas stated as his reasoning that the MPP “does not adequately or sustainably enhance border management in such a way as to justify the program’s extensive operational burdens and other shortfalls. Over the course of the program, border encounters increased during certain periods and decreased during others.”
    • Changes to Legal Immigration System: The final executive order President Biden signed focused on the legal immigration system and removing a Trump administration policy that required family sponsors to repay the government if relatives received public benefits. This Trump administration policy made it so “applications for some immigrants, including those wishing to seek permanent legal residency, could be rejected it if the immigrant received public benefits for more than 12 months within any 36-month period and if ‘at the time of application for admission or adjustment of status, is likely at any time to become a public charge.’” This executive order also reinstated an Obama administration task force that was focused on assisting immigrants and refugees in their transition to American life.

    Central American Regional Security Initiative

    The Obama administration consolidated previous aid and security programs to create the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) in 2010. According to the State Department, these are “the Five Goals of CARSI in Central America:

    1. Create safe streets for the citizens of the region;
    2. Disrupt the movement of criminals and contraband to, within, and between the nations of Central America;
    3. Support the development of strong, capable, and accountable Central American governments;
    4. Re-establish effective state presence, services and security in communities at risk; and
    5. Foster enhanced levels of coordination and cooperation between the nations of the region, other international partners, and donors to combat regional security threats.”

    In summary, the CARSI was intended to mitigate the factors which force people to seek asylum. The initiative was aimed at working with governments to not only address US security concerns, but also improve the social and economic factors which led to violence, asylum seekers, and drug trafficking. Preliminary data suggested that while CARSI had initial positive effects like reducing homicide rates and corruption and improving national GDP, it was a long way from reaching US security goals. A long term commitment appears necessary to achieve those goals.

    In 2019, the Trump administration cut most aid to Northern Triangle countries (including CARSI) in response to the continued applications for asylum from those countries. In order to restart aid, the nations were asked to negotiate “safe third country agreements,” whereby asylum seekers could be sent to those countries to apply for asylum rather than being granted asylum in the US. The United States has a safe third country agreement with Canada, and member states of the European Union have a similar agreement with each other, but this situation is different in that all three of these countries produce large numbers of asylum seekers. Under these agreements, a family who fled Honduras after MS-13 attempted to recruit their son by force could be sent to a town in Guatemala which is also controlled by MS-13.

    Read More

    Policy Alternatives

    Combatting the Backlog of Applications

    Many feel that the most urgent challenge to be addressed is the backlog of asylum applicants, which is hundreds of thousands strong. Vulnerable people are left in limbo and the backlog protracts dangerous situations for months or years. In addition, accumulating a growing backlog every year causes the American public to lose confidence in the ability of the government to enforce immigration and asylum laws. 

    Two potential reforms could help reduce the backlog:

    1. In 2018 USCIS began implementing a “last in, first out” policy, where applications are processed starting with newer applications and working backwards, rather than processing applications in chronological order. This policy quickly weeds out unnecessary applications filed with the expectation of a work visa, and deters future fraudulent claims. However, there are concerns that that “last in, first out” is unfair to people with valid asylum claims who have been waiting years for their chance at a hearing, only to be placed at the back of the line once again. For this reason, “last in, first out” is a short term fix to deal with the crisis, not a sustainable solution to the problem that more asylum claims come in annually than the system is equipped to process. 
    2. The affirmative and defensive processes could be streamlined by creating a separate path for cancellation of removal applications. Currently, the most efficient way for undocumented immigrants to apply for a cancellation of removal is by being rejected for asylum. A separate application would save USCIS and EOIR from having to process thousands of unnecessary claims every year.

    Fairness in Adjudicating Claims

    The variation in adjudication outcomes based on the presence of legal representation and the judge in question has concerning implications for the efficacy of the current system. One way to combat the variation from judges is to create more standardized measures for weighing asylum claims. In the status quo, the standard of a “well-founded fear of persecution” is not legally defined, and is interpreted by each judge. In addition, USCIS and EOIR could record statistics about the results of hearings nationally, and flag judges whose decisions verge drastically from the average for a country. Those judges could experience additional training, or else have their decisions automatically reviewed. 

    The variation from legal representation has a more difficult fix. The federal government could guarantee representation for all applicants, similar to the way all citizens in criminal trials have the right to an attorney. This would require up-front investment in the form of paying the equivalent of public defenders for asylum seekers who did not secure their own representation, and could pay off in the long run. Applicants without representation often file many different types of claims in a scattershot attempt to find one that will be granted, as opposed to applicants with representation who only file the claim which they see as applicable. One major delay in asylum processing is the time it takes for detained asylum seekers to attempt to get legal representation. During this time, they remain in tax-payer funded detainment centers for days or weeks. Finally, attorneys can guide clients through the complex legal process so that the court runs efficiently. All of these factors lead some to suggest that the cost of providing public defenders would pay for itself by decreasing the time which asylum seekers spend in courtrooms and detainment centers.

    Reforming Detention Centers

    Detention of migrants, including asylum seekers, comes at a great cost to the American taxpayer. The detained population could be reduced by increasing the use of parole and bond release. 

    • Families and children, especially those who secure legal representation, are not “flight risks” and appear for their hearings upwards of 96% of the time. Many feel there is little value in keeping these people in detention centers.
    • For individuals who pose a greater risk of skipping their hearing and remaining in the country in an undocumented capacity, ICE could expand its use of monitoring devices, which it is already authorized to use.

     In summary, the most cost-effective option is to reserve detention centers for individuals who pose a genuine risk to the community, as defined by the Department of Homeland Security guidelines, and asylum seekers (primary families and unaccompanied minors) rarely fall into that category.

    Reducing the population of detention centers could go hand in hand with reforming the centers to support humane living conditions. There are two main arguments for doing this: 

    1. The obligation to provide a safe environment for those submitting asylum applications is a matter of American and international law, as discussed in the Historical Overview.
    2. Many of the people in detention centers have valid asylum claims which are eventually approved. They are less capable of contributing to their new host country after the trauma of several months in overcrowded, unsanitary and unsafe conditions.

    Capping the Number of Asylum Seekers

    Some types of legal permanent resident applications in the US have pre-set quotas for how many applications can be approved each year. Refugees fall into this category, as do employment and diversity visas, among others. Immediate family visas (visas for the spouses, unmarried minor children, and parents of US citizens) and asylum seekers do not have quotas, and instead every eligible person who applies is granted legal permanent resident status, limited only by the time it takes to process the application, which can take years. One policy change suggestion is to create a quota for asylum seekers, to limit the number of people who enter the country. This would give the US government more control over the number of people accepted through the asylum channel. Some Americans have a negative response to the idea of taking an unlimited number of people, even though asylees make up only a fraction of total immigrants annually. Some are also concerned that an asylum system without caps incentivizes more people to make asylum claims, even if they are not actually facing persecution.

    There is some international precedent for limiting the number of asylum seekers accepted into a country. For example, the European Union created an arrangement with Turkey in 2016 to respond to the refugee crisis and the millions of asylum seekers attempting to make their way to Europe through Turkey. In this deal, Turkey sheltered the displaced population and EU countries resettled as many as they felt capable of handling (Germany accepted more than a million). The EU provided 6 billion Euros to support the displaced population in Turkey. Following the end of the civil war in Syria (the main cause of displacement), the majority of the displaced population in Turkey is expected to return to Syria. You can read more about this agreement in the EU-Turkey Migration Agreement brief.

    If the US implemented an asylum quota it would continue to see the same problems which appear with the metering strategy. This looks like already-vulnerable people waiting in Mexican border towns who are susceptible to gang and sexual violence. Mexico is not as safe or as stable as Turkey, and it does not have the capacity to shelter the displaced population. Moreover, the United States would likely need to match the billions of dollars in aid which the EU supplied to Turkey in order to avoid straining Mexico’s resources past the breaking point.

    Capping the number of asylum seekers accepted annually, when asylum currently makes up a relatively small amount of US immigration, could be perceived by American allies as an extreme response to the situation. The United States is already perceived as doing less than its fair share on the global stage due to its record low refugee cap, which put much of the burden of the recent refugee crisis on European allies.

    Creating stable environments in other countries

    Another option to reduce the number of applicants for asylum in the US is to improve the stability of the countries where people are fleeing. The main country of origin for successful asylum seekers is China, making up 20.9% of successful asylum applications in 2017. However there is no clear path for reducing persecution on the part of the Chinese government. The Northern Triangle countries (Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador) collectively accounted for 22.2% of affirmative and 64% of defensive asylum applications which totalled more than 107,000 applications in 2017, making these countries a logical starting place for reducing overall asylum applications.

    The CARSI plan (2010-2019) was an attempt to stabilize the region, and as noted in the Current Policies section, had some success prior to its untimely end. If the US is serious about mitigating the conditions which lead to asylum applications on the southern border, it should restart the aid program targeted at strengthening law enforcement, ending corruption, and reducing poverty.

    Read More

    Doctors Without Borders wrote a report documenting the violence faced by asylum seekers awaiting their hearing from Mexico through the Migrant Protection Protocols.

    Appendices

    Appendix 1: Base data for graphs

    Figure 1: Asylum Applications and Acceptances (2012-2018)

    Year 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
    Accepted Applications 28,115 25,151 23,374 26,124 20,340 26,568 38,687
    Total Applications 61,783 67,858 88,002 129,102 184,555 262,622 216,883

    Figure 4: Poverty Rate in the Northern Triangle

    Country Guatemala El Salvador Honduras USA
    Poverty Rate 49.1 35.5 54.9 1.7

    Figure 5: Outcomes of Affirmative Asylum Applications (2017)

    Year Granted Denied Referred to Immigration Judge
    2017 13,105 116 28,928

    Figure 7: Approved Asylum Applications (1990-2018)

    Year Total Affirmative Defensive
    1990 8,472 5,672 2,800
    1991 5,035 2,908 2,127
    1992 6,307 4,123 2,184
    1993 9,540 7,506 2,034
    1994 13,826 11,773 2,053
    1995 20,697 17,567 3,130
    1996 23,525 18,617 4,908
    1997 22,933 16,374 6,559
    1998 20,520 13,229 7,291
    1999 26,578 18,157 8,421
    2000 32,542 23,306 9,236
    2001 39,179 29,178 10,001
    2002 36,977 26,000 10,977
    2003 28,791 15,415 13,376
    2004 27,426 14,404 13,022
    2005 25,349 13,592 11,757
    2006 26,398 13,094 13,304
    2007 25,334 12,475 12,859
    2008 23,026 12,134 10,892
    2009 22,314 12,014 10,300
    2010 19,772 11,253 8,519
    2011 23,572 13,434 10,138
    2012 27,951 17,376 10,575
    2013 25,014 15,247 9,767
    2014 23,371 14,735 8,636
    2015 26,015 17,847 8,168
    2016 20,362 11,634 8,728
    2017 26,509 15,846 10,663
    2018 38,687 25,439 13,248

    Appendix 2: Navigating the asylum process

  • Introduction to the International Criminal Court

    Introduction to the International Criminal Court

    The International Criminal Court (ICC) is a permanent international court established to investigate, prosecute, and try individuals accused of committing the most serious crimes to the international community. These crimes include genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression. The Rome Statute, a treaty among 123 parties, established the Court and was signed into effect on July 17, 1998. The Court then began operations on July 1, 2002 in The Hague, Netherlands, where it still resides and operates today.

    Source: International Criminal Court; United Nations

    What does the Rome Statute say?

    The Rome Statute is composed of 13 Sections, with a total of 128 Articles. 

    1. The first section establishes the court and its relationship with the United Nations. 
    2. Section Two addresses which crimes the court has jurisdiction over, and which cases would be admissible. It also identifies what is applicable law. 
    3. In Section Three, the Rome Statute goes over the general principles of criminal law. 
    4. The fourth section explains how the Court is composed and administered. 
    5. Section Five lays out the appropriate process for investigation and prosecution. 
    6. Section Six establishes the proper trial process 
    7. Section Seven defines the appropriate penalties
    8. Section Eight explains how to appeal decisions and potentially revise convictions or sentences. 
    9. Section Nine provides the general obligations for cooperation for the States who sign the Rome Statute
    10. Section Ten explains how States are to enforce a given sentence. 
    11. Section Eleven deals with the assembly of States Parties. 
    12. Section Twelve outlines all details regarding the financing of the ICC, and the final section, 
    13. Section Thirteen, includes miscellaneous articles including information regarding amendments to the Statute and reservations made by certain States. 

    The combination of these thirteen sections clearly outline all aspects of operation for the ICC.

    What are the benefits of the ICC?

    Those in favor of the Court argue that it serves as a deterrent for potential war criminals. The ICC has raised the risk of consequences for violations through two main avenues. First, through investigating and prosecuting international atrocities over which it has jurisdiction, the ICC strongly contributes to prosecutorial deterrence, which is when potential perpetrators avoid or reduce their law-breaking behavior out of fear of being prosecuted. Second, the ICC encourages member states to improve their capacity to reduce, detect, and prosecute such crimes domestically

    Another important aspect of the ICC is that it provides an explicit, legitimized process for punishing war atrocities, genocide, or other large-scale international crimes. By having a well-defined process to follow after an atrocity occurs, it becomes less challenging to seek justice for those afflicted. The ICC serves the dual purpose of securing justice for victims, as well as promoting peace, security, and stability. Ultimately, the ICC promotes accountability for perpetrators of atrocities as well as among its member states to ensure that justice is served to those individuals.

    One of the main ways that justice is achieved is through reparations. In the case of The Prosecutor v. Bosco Ntaganda, on March 8, 2021 the court ordered Mr. Ntaganda to pay a total of 30,000,000 USD to those affected by the war crimes that he committed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the early 2000s. The ICC has also ordered reparations in the past, like in the Al Mahdi case. In 2016, Al Mahdi was convicted of the war crime of directing attacks on religious and historic buildings in Timbuktu, Mali. As part of his punishment he was liable for 2.7 million euros in expenses and was ordered to pay for individual and collective reparations for the community of Timbuktu. In addition to facilitating the imprisonment of perpetrators, the ICC offers justice by granting reparations to victims.

    The goal of the ICC, proponents say, is not to replace national courts, but instead to complement them. The ICC only operates in situations in which national courts are either unwilling or unable to prosecute a certain crime. This might occur where proceedings are unduly delayed or are intended to shield individuals from their criminal responsibility. The ICC states that this notion is the principle of complementarity, under which the national court is given priority and states have the primary responsibility to try perpetrators of crimes against humanity. The ICC acts as both an independent and impartial body, and serves as a safety net for justice.

    What are the criticisms of the ICC?

    There are over 50 countries that choose not to be members of the ICC. These countries include China, India, Russia, and the United States. Without the backing of these four major powers, the ICC has faced an uphill battle to garner legitimacy. The main complaint by states regarding the ICC is that it infringes on state sovereignty. For example, China, who failed to ratify the Rome Statute, felt that the text was a violation of state sovereignty because it imposes obligations on parties who had not agreed to the Rome Statute, and thus was a violation of Article 34 of the Vienna Convention, which holds “[a] treaty does not create either obligations or rights for a third State without its consent.” China proposed an opt-in clause which would enable States to temporarily grant the ICC jurisdiction for a specific time frame or instance of crime, but the clause was not adopted.

    Another frequently voiced qualm is that the ICC lacks authority and is overall ineffective in properly punishing war criminals. Notably, in 2010, former President Laurent Gbagbo of Côte d’Ivoire suffered an electoral defeat yet refused to step down. Violence ensued, which was largely attributed to forces under the control of Gbagbo, and nearly 3,000 people died. After several years in ICC custody, Gbagbo was recently acquitted of all charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Former President Ggagbo is just one of multiple heads of states against whom the ICC has initiated proceedings, yet not a single one has been convicted. In fact, in total, the ICC has issued a total of ten convictions, while acquitting four. In comparison, the ad hoc trials established by the UN following the war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone were able to secure 165 convictions.

    The ICC has also come under intense scrutiny for its perceived targeting of African nations. Of the court’s more than two dozen cases, all have dealt with alleged crimes in African states. The Court has indicted over 40 individuals. All of those individuals are from an African country.

    What are the current debates regarding the ICC?

    In 2003, the U.S. State Department stated that there are “insufficient checks and balances on the authority of the ICC prosecutor and judges” and “insufficient protection against politicized prosecutions or other abuses”. This notion was reiterated by John Bolton, U.S. National Security Advisor, in September 2018. Bolton declared that the United States would use any means necessary to ensure that U.S. citizens and allies would be protected from ICC investigations and prosecutions. 

    In 2019, the Trump administration threatened sanctions to ICC Officials to avoid investigations into potential crimes against humanity committed by U.S. soldiers stationed in Afghanistan. Later that year, the Trump administration revoked the visa of Fatou Bensouda, the prosecutor for the International Criminal Court. In 2020, the Trump administration backed up its threats by passing Executive Order 13928, which authorized the imposition of economic sanctions against ICC officials directly engaged in the ICC efforts to investigate U.S. personnel, and expanded visa restrictions for officials directly engaged in those same investigations. 

    Since taking office, President Biden and his administration have revoked Executive Order 13928 as well as other previously imposed restrictions on ICC personnel. While the Trump administration was adamant in their disapproval of the ICC, the Biden administration’s recent revocation of unfavorable ICC policies signals a shift and perhaps a new relationship between the United States and the ICC.

  • Zoning Policy and Affordable Housing

    Zoning Policy and Affordable Housing

    High housing costs and inadequate supply are not a natural outcome of market forces, but the result of policy choices. In the U.S., public housing development relies on private developers who are bound by restrictions on the location, size, and funding for new projects. Zoning laws determine the purposes for certain lots of land, and ultimately where new developments can be built. Each zone’s purpose and rules are determined by local governments, making zoning an essential factor in the creation of affordable housing. 

    Context

    • The Faircloth Amendment of 1937 sets a limit on the number of public housing units a Public Housing Agency owns, assists or operates, with federal funding. The current limit was established in 1999 in reaction to the perceived failure of the public housing program. PHAs are organizations that oversee and maintain public housing complexes. They often do not reach their Faircloth limits due to a lack of federal funding.
    • An economically efficient housing market should have high-density housing near public transit and in areas with good schools, low crime, etc, as a high number of units on an expensive lot of land results in a lower cost per unit and can accommodate more households. 

    Inclusionary Zoning

    Zoning laws can be helpful in creating opportunities for affordable development and economic mobilization. Inclusionary zoning requires and incentivizes a certain percentage of units in new developments to be affordable, and ties the development of affordable housing to the development of market-rate housing and guarantees that benefits are accessible to households along a range of incomes. Projects that implement inclusionary zoning near public transit and job centers can expand economic opportunity for low-income households. In addition, local zoning regulations can enable vulnerable communities to push back against projects that would harm them, such as urban renewal or highways.

    Exclusionary Zoning

    On the other hand, zoning laws can also be socioeconomically exclusive and societally inefficient. Those in favor of zoning reform argue that changing the rules of housing development to require moderately priced housing in high-opportunity areas is essential for more equitable, resilient, and thriving communities. For instance, zoning that does not mandate affordable development in high-value areas, especially places with good transit, leads to higher costs of living for the lowest-income households. This also causes negative externalities such as worsened traffic and harmful environmental impacts. 

    Impact on Developers

    In many cases, zoning is a barrier for developers who want to create affordable housing. When left to local jurisdictions, cities tend to only subsidize projects in specific areas where the need for affordable housing is most significant. This limits location options for developers who want to use housing subsidies, such as the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, which is essential to the development process. Local governments also have complicated development processes that favor community preferences over affordable expansion which prevent low-cost, high-density development, especially in affluent neighborhoods with high land values. In desirable markets, developers are often faced with community opposition to new development or rezoning. In the end, the high costs associated with land acquisition and construction make catering to affluent renters the best opportunity for developers to make a profit which has caused affordable development to be neglected in many U.S. cities.

    Impact on Homeowners and Renters

    When restrictions force affordable housing away from high-value land areas with good transit, high economic opportunity and low crime, poorer households are kept from advancing economically. Limited housing near job centers leads more workers to undertake long-distance commutes, which is infeasible as many households may not own cars. Many low-income workers rely on public transportation, which is not accessible away from city centers. Exclusionary zoning practices such as redlining have also caused racial and economic divides in cities.

    Reflection Questions

    • How can local governments balance the preferences of their community with inclusive practices?
    • How can your community include and promote more affordable development?
    • How can federal, state, and local funding ease the affordable construction process for developers?
  • Introduction to Unemployment & the Labor Market

    Introduction to Unemployment & the Labor Market

    The labor market refers to the market in which the workers and businesses exchange wages for labor and vice versa. The labor force includes all working age individuals who are legally and physically able to work and are actively seeking employment. This notably excludes children, retirees, and working age individuals who are not actively seeking employment. Equilibrium in the labor market determines the prevailing wage rate and the number of hours worked. It occurs when the supply of labor, or the number of hours individuals are willing and able to work at a given wage rate, equals the demand for labor, the hours of work employers are willing and able to pay for at a given wage rate. 

    To understand why markets are naturally disposed to reaching equilibrium, it is useful to visualize the market graphically. The supply curve for labor is upward sloping because people are willing to work more hours at higher wages. Conversely, the demand curve for labor is downward sloping because businesses are less willing to hire workers as labor costs increase.

    Equilibrium in the labor market, represented by point E, occurs when the supply of labor, or the number of hours individuals are willing and able to work at a given wage rate, equals the demand for labor, the hours of work employers are willing and able to pay for at a given wage rate. 

    • Point A: At this point, there are more companies willing to hire employees at the prevailing wage than there are individuals willing to work. Because there are not enough workers willing to work at the prevailing wage, wages will rise (causing employers to demand less labor) resulting in equilibrium point E.
    • Point B: At this point, workers are supplying much more labor than companies are willing to pay at that wage rate. The resulting surplus of workers will push wages back down (causing workers to supply less labor) resulting in equilibrium at point E.

    The labor market can be analyzed on both the microeconomic level as well as the macroeconomic level:

    • At the macroeconomic level, the labor market is comprised of the entire labor force (working age population either actively working or searching for work) and all the firms in the economy, with analysis generally focused on the aggregate level of both wages and hours of work.
    • At the microeconomic level, the labor market is comprised of individuals seeking work and individual firms seeking labor. Supply increases in conjunction with wages until the marginal utility of an additional hour of pay begins to decrease, while demand is determined by the intersection of marginal cost and marginal revenue of the output of the labor. Marginal utility can be understood as the additional benefit of hiring one more unit of labor. When the marginal utility of hiring another worker falls below the cost of hiring the additional worker, employers will no longer be willing to hire that individual.

    The classic economic model discussed thus far assumes a completely free market, but this is rarely true. According to economic theory, market distortions occur when the government, private industry, or another actor take any action to influence the market and in doing so, impede the market from reaching equilibrium. Examples include labor regulations, environmental regulations, minimum wage, downward rigidity of wages, payroll taxes, extensive hiring processes, trade regulations, social safety nets, collusion amongst employers, and unions. As a result of market distortions, equilibrium may not be reached leaving either a surplus of workers actively seeking employment or a surplus of employers unable to fill jobs. In the case of surplus workers, the result is unemployment. For example, if a minimum wage is set higher than the equilibrium wage, more people will be willing to work at that price than employers will be willing to hire. Similarly, if a union negotiates a wage higher than the equilibrium wage, more individuals will be willing to work at that price and an employer may choose to hire less workers, resulting in a worker surplus.

    When an economy is operating at its full capacity the economy is in a state of full employment; however, there is still unemployment present due to frictional and structural unemployment. The rate of unemployment in this situation is called the natural rate of unemployment. Frictional unemployment refers to unemployed individuals who are temporarily between jobs. It is caused by the existence of hiring processes and the lack of perfect information, which impedes individuals seeking work from finding employers immediately and vice versa. Structural unemployment occurs when there is a mismatch between the skills of people seeking employment and the needs of companies seeking to hire workers. For example, if a law firm is seeking to hire a new associate, but the only applicant has not completed a law degree. Another main type of unemployment is referred to as cyclical unemployment. This happens during the natural dips in the business cycle when an economy is not operating at full capacity.

    Labor Market Regulations

    Even though market distortions can hinder the labor market’s ability to reach equilibrium, certain regulations are introduced to account for externalities that cause the equilibrium price to differ from the true costs and benefits of the good or service in question, in this case labor. In the US, major regulations in the labor market have included the introduction of a minimum wage, unemployment insurance, and welfare training. 

    The first minimum wage in the United States was introduced by Massachusetts in 1912, followed by 12 other states and the District of Columbia in the following years, but those laws were struck down by a 1923 Supreme Court ruling that it violated employers’ and workers’ 5th Amendment rights to liberty of contract. In an unexpected reversal, the Supreme Court upheld a Washington state minimum wage law in 1937, paving the way for a federal minimum wage, which was first introduced at $0.25 per hour with the passage of the Fair Labor Standards Act in 1938. The minimum wage, which has been raised a number of times in the decades since the passage of the Fair Labor Standards Act, stands at $7.25 per hour and is a topic of contentious political debate, with one side pointing to the increased income of workers and the other pointing to increased unemployment it would create if the minimum wage is set above the equilibrium wage. Most recently, the prospect of raising the federal minimum wage to $15 per hour was under consideration for inclusion in the American Rescue Plan until the parliamentarian determined it was not allowed under the Senate’s budget reconciliation rules

    Unemployment: Causes, Provisions, and Policy Tools

    Additional causes of unemployment include increasing frequencies of workers being displaced by outsourcing and automation. Outsourcing is when a U.S. company shifts its production to use foreign workers rather than American workers. This happens in various ways. The classic example is a company shutting down a factory in the US and instead shifting production to a factory in China or Mexico. A less frequently discussed form of outsourcing occurs through provision of H-1b visas to foreign nationals that allow them to work in the United States. This is most frequently seen with tech companies in Silicon Valley. Automation, with respect to unemployment, refers to companies that choose to use technology in their production rather than employees. Analysis from the Brookings Institution found no evidence of layoffs following automation investment spikes by their employers. However, it was found that workers at such firms experienced income losses in the following five years.

    The first unemployment insurance provisions were contained in the 1935 Social Security Bill, its objectives being “to offer workers income maintenance during periods of unemployment…to help maintain purchasing power and to stabilize the economy; and… to help prevent dispersal of the employer’s trained labor force…during temporary unemployment.” The program has evolved substantially since its beginnings, with the current unemployment insurance program in the US being a joint federal-state venture, financed by federal and state unemployment taxes. However, it has retained its original intent to exist as a stopgap measure of support for people experiencing unemployment. 

    Most recently, unemployment insurance has been a topic of debate due to the COVID-19 pandemic, with unemployment insurance benefits being expanded under the CARES Act and again under the American Rescue Plan. Debates are typically centered on whether an overly generous UI system can discourage workers from returning to work. A recent analysis from the Federal Reserve Bank of SF reported that the supplemental payments offered under the CARES Act had little or no adverse impact, while research from the Federal Reserve Bank in Atlanta indicated that an expansion of unemployment benefits during the 2008-2009 recession kept the jobless rate higher than it otherwise would have been. In order to actively target the unemployment rate, the government has several policy tools at its disposal, which can be broken into two subcategories: monetary policy and fiscal policy. Through what is known as expansionary fiscal policy, the government can create jobs through increased spending on government projects. The most famous example of this in the United States was the passage of the New Deal following the Great Depression. Additionally, the government can influence unemployment through less direct measures. For example, the government can cut taxes, thus increasing household disposable income and spending, which spurs job growth. Monetary policy impacts unemployment through manipulation of the money supply and the federal funds rate. For a detailed explanation on how the Federal Reserve uses monetary policy to impact the unemployment rate, look out for a forthcoming piece by my colleagues Rachel Zhang and Jamie Davis.

  • Inflation, the Fed, and Monetary Policy

    Inflation, the Fed, and Monetary Policy

    The Federal Reserve is the central bank of the United States, and its main function is to create the conditions for maximum employment, stable prices, and long-term economic stability through monetary policy. Financial regulation is among its other functions, but those are secondary to controlling the money supply.

    The Fed’s primary tool of monetary policy is controlling the federal funds rate, which is the rate at which banks can borrow money overnight from the Fed. This rate affects other interest rates that private banks set. So, when the federal funds rate decreases, real interest rates decrease as well. Lower interest rates means that businesses and individuals take out more loans because it is cheaper to borrow. However, lower interest rates also mean there is increased risk of inflation because the demand for the dollar increases. 

    Structure

    The Federal Reserve is split into 12 districts based on economic activity. Each district is independent of the others but governed by a board of governors, which reports to Congress. The federal government further centralized American central banking in 1933, 1935, and 1980 to make federal monetary policy more effective and cohesive. Several councils within the Fed represent the interests of banking and savings institutions as well as low-income communities, and a council of statisticians oversees forecasting models. Technically, the Federal Reserve is owned by private banks. According to one district, “while the Board of Governors is an independent government agency, the Federal Reserve Banks are set up like private corporations. Member banks hold stock in the Federal Reserve Banks and earn dividends. Holding this stock does not carry with it the control and financial interest given to holders of common stock in for-profit organizations. The stock may not be sold or pledged as collateral for loans. Member banks also appoint six of the nine members of each Bank’s board of directors.” 

    Combating Inflation and Historical Context

    Inflation in fiscal year 2021 has thus far exceeded expectations. However, according to the chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, it is not clear yet that there is inflation across the board, which would be indicative of a more worrying, long-term trend (link to my context brief on inflation). In order for the Fed to raise interest rates before late 2022, which is when they currently plan their initial hike, there needs to be more evidence that the economy is overheating. The amount of fiscal support coming out of the COVID-19 recession is unprecedented, which complicates forecasting.

    Inflation was chronically high during the 1970s due to energy crises and structural changes to international trade. To combat chronic inflation, the chairman of the Fed (1979-1987), raised interest rates to 19% in the early 1980s, causing two recessions. Such high interest rates would be ridiculous today (our current effective federal funds rate is 0.08%), but he set such high rates to combat inflation. With higher interest rates, businesses and consumers were incentivized to save, decreasing the demand for cash and goods alike. With decreased demand for immediate spending, inflation receded. After that recession, interest rates have remained relatively low compared to before the two recessions, while inflation has also remained simultaneously low. This is a textbook example of the Fed using interest rate hikes to combat inflation. Moreover, the post-recession years have demonstrated how full employment and stable prices are not necessarily in conflict. We can visualize the relationship between inflation and unemployment over time:

    Chart, histogram

Description automatically generated

    Source: The Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

    As we can see, inflation has remained low since the 1980s, even during periods of full employment. In general, the business cycle has moderated so that unemployment during a recession remained lower than the unemployment rate during recessions before 1980. The pandemic recession is a notable outlier.

    However, interest rate hikes come with their own set of issues. Part of the problem with predicting how the Fed will react to rising inflation is the lack of data points. Ever since the early 1980s—the first instance of the Fed raising interest rates high enough to combat inflation—there has not been significant inflation in the United States. This stability is one the defining characteristics of the Great Moderation, which describes the last forty or so years of American macroeconomic history during which inflation remained low, expansions were longer and more stable, and GDP grew slower relative to pre-1980 rates (link to business cycle brief)

    Controversies around the Fed: Purview and Modern Monetary Theory

    Some critics—particularly those who want to see more regulation of big businesses and financial institutions—want the Fed to shift its priorities. Proponents of this position —who tend to be progressive Democrats—want to see the Fed tackle issues beyond central banking like climate change. Perhaps the most prominent example of the expansion is the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which is an independent organization within the Fed whose mission is to ensure transparency for consumer financial products. The CFPB is primarily concerned with financial products like mortgages, credit cards, and other common financial products in which individuals take on risk. The expansion of the Fed’s authority has not come without obstacles. In October of 2019, the Supreme Court found in the case Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau that the governing structure of the CFPB, which initially stipulated that its director could only be fired for cause, violated separation of powers. Some progressives also want to wrest control of the Fed away from financial institutions and toward a more centralized governance structure.Finally, some progressive economists within this sector ascribe to Modern Monetary Theory, in which fiscal policy is the primary driver of full employment and interest rates remain low. These economists favor an even more expansionary monetary policy; a policy in which the government may spend an unlimited amount of money because it issues the currency it spends. Inflation, the biggest downside risk MMT’s critics cite, would be handled via increased taxation.

  • What is Inflation and Why Does it Happen?

    What is Inflation and Why Does it Happen?

    Inflation is an economy-wide increase in prices and, in turn, an economy-wide decrease in purchasing power. It is the phenomenon of the same goods’ prices going up. Economy-wide price increases may indicate an increase in general consumer demand, and inflation for a single good could be a symptom of increased good-specific demand, or a shortage. 

    The concept of inflation is tied to purchasing power. Purchasing power is the value of a currency in terms of the ability to purchase goods. It is the real value of money within a given economy. For example, suppose at time A one loaf of bread costs $1. From time A to time B, there is 5% inflation, which means that nominal prices across the board go up 5%. However, if the price of a loaf of bread at time B remains $1, then bread consumers’ purchasing power has increased for that good. Purchasing power is also determined by income. If there is 2% inflation for all goods and services over a year, one’s purchasing power would decrease by 2% over that year. However, if you achieved a 2.5% raise that year, your purchasing power would increase. Moreover, the real value of one’s assets might also fluctuate with inflation (link to Rachel’s brief about protecting assets during inflation).

    Measuring Inflation: The Consumer Price Index

    Measuring inflation is not always straightforward. Inflation can’t be measured based on the price of a single good, since the relative price of a given good could fluctuate and not be representative of general price trends (television prices are an example of this; the relative price of televisions has plummeted in the past 25 years). Instead, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), the same government agency that collects data on employment, (link to my previous context brief on unemployment) collects data on the change of prices of a market basket—a group of commonly purchased items. The result of this survey is the Consumer Price Index (CPI). The data can also show the nominal and relative change in prices for individual goods, as we saw in the example about TVs. Because the actual measurement (CPI) is a level, not a percentage change, a single month’s CPI value is of little use when understanding how prices are changing. Instead, you must measure an annualized rate of inflation (or a month over month rate) to see how prices are changing. An annualized rate, much like GDP, is how the media and government agencies tend to report on inflation, as well as the measurement economists analyze.

    There is more than one way to measure CPI. Most economic reports focus on headline CPI, but sometimes it can be useful to look at median CPI or core CPI. These measurements trim out outliers and/or central goods whose prices fluctuate unlike the rest of the economy. Housing is an example of such a good. Not all countries calculate CPI in a uniform manner. For instance, some countries exclude housing from their CPI calculations (the US does not make this exclusion). International organizations like the OECD and economists standardize their CPI measurements for the purpose of comparing inflation over international borders.

    Measuring Inflation: The Personal Consumption Expenditure Index

    CPI is also not the only method for calculating change in prices over time. This measurement is derived from a consumer survey, but indices that measure inflation do not necessarily have to be consumer focused. The quintessential example of such an alternative measurement is the Personal Consumption Expenditure index (PCE). Rather than relying on a consumer survey like the Bureau of Labor Statistics does with CPI, the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) calculates PCE by surveying business. One can also eliminate outlier goods in a PCE calculation, as is done with the trimmed mean PCE index.

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     Figure 1 Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

    As we can observe in Figure 1, measurements like median CPI and trimmed PCE remain much more stable than their unadjusted counterparts as they remove individual goods that are particularly volatile at a given time.

    High Inflation

    Inflation can be a major issue for a country’s economy if it is too high, because workers’ purchasing power will decrease at a rate higher than their wage growth, meaning they are effectively worse off. Asset-holders, which constitute anyone with a retirement, college, or savings account, will lose personal wealth as the relative value of their savings decreases. (Link to other brief about how to maintain assets’ values during inflation).

    Recent reports on inflation have suggested that inflation—despite initially being driven by temporary price hikes in major goods like cars—is likely here to stay. In June 2021, the annualized inflation rate rose to 5.4%. The International Monetary Fund warned that inflation might remain high for the rest of the year in developed countries that are beginning to rebound from the COVID-19 crisis. You can read about more warning signs of an overheating economy here (link to Allie & Rachel’s brief).

    Ideal Inflation Rates and the Fed

    However, because of the mechanism of wage increases, ideal inflation is not 0%. Inflation ideally stays around 2% because wages are “sticky”—stuck at their baseline rate and can only go up. Since firms generally do not cut wages, underperforming firms will overpay their workers to avoid hiring more people. With inflation rates comfortably above 0% but not too high, the economy effectively creates real wage cuts, and employers can then reward higher productivity workers with raises to keep up with inflation. When inflation rests at 0%, there is also a higher probability for deflation, which brings with it a host of macroeconomic problems.

    One of the Fed’s jobs (link to my other brief on Fed policy) is to ensure that inflation stays around 2%. Inflation can also happen because of more direct policies from the Fed. Quantitative easing (QE), which is when the Fed buys assets (primarily treasury bonds) en masse to increase the money supply. (link to previous briefs or my brief on the Fed). Because this action technically constitutes an increase in the money supply, it is possible for inflation to be a result of QE. However, past instances of aggressive QE policies—particularly in the aftermath of the Financial Crisis of 2007-2008—did not cause inflation like some critics feared.

    Although the Federal Reserve has been successful at staving off inflation recently, that has not always been the case. From 1962-1980, inflation was a central macroeconomic problem in the US. This occurred for a few reasons:

    1. Because of the explosion in international trade, US dollar reserves became increasingly in demand, spiking up their price. 
    2. The expansion of national government spending meant the Fed had to keep interest rates relatively low in order to support more deficit spending in the US. 

    These two causes of inflation were primarily demand-based: an increased demand for US dollar reserves increased its relative value. Oil shocks in 1973 and 1979—results of conflicts in the Middle East and decisions by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries’ (OPEC)—decreased the supply of all oil in the US. The drastic increase in the price of oil thus increased inflation because oil is a core good in a developed economy.

    Going back further, before the Fed existed in its current form—when the value of the US dollar was tied to gold and silver—inflationary and deflationary episodes were much more severe in magnitude and length. For instance, during the Civil War and World War I, the government disconnected the value of the dollar from gold and silver to finance the war effort—effectively increasing the money supply. After each war, the national government allowed the dollar to reconvert to gold and silver, which meant prices fell. After World War II, a similar phenomenon occurred, except by then the dollar was no longer tied to gold or silver. Rather, the government spent an unprecedented amount of money on the war effort, which caused inflation. Like previous examples, the government’s efforts to pay off postwar debt brought the country into a deflationary period. These monetary cycles do not occur anymore because the dollar is not indexed based on any commodity’s value and because the national government does not swing rapidly between deficit spending and deficit reduction policies.

  • What is Antibiotic Resistance and Why Does it Matter

    What is Antibiotic Resistance and Why Does it Matter

    Antibiotic resistance occurs when germs such as bacteria and fungi are no longer as affected by antibiotics. This means that current treatments for various infections will no longer work because the germs that were once vulnerable to antibiotics have adapted to resist them. This can occur when antibiotics are used to destroy some of the bacteria, but the stronger ones that were able to survive continue to multiply, causing antibiotic resistance to occur. The risk of antibiotic resistance greatly increases when antibiotics are over-prescribed or not used in an effective way. Since overuse allows for the germs to eventually develop resistance to the treatment, areas that lack standard guidelines for treating diseases and prescribing medications are likely to see more infections caused by antibiotic resistant diseases. Healthcare, veterinary, and agriculture industries are also likely to have antibiotic resistant bacteria present due to the higher number of antibiotics used in those settings.

    Currently, approximately 700,000 people die per year due to antibiotic-resistant bacteria. According to the World Health Organization, Antimicrobial Resistance (a germ’s ability to resist antibiotics as well as other microbes) is one of the ten greatest public health threats and will cause an estimated 10 million deaths by 2050. One of the greatest threats are superbugs—bacteria which develops the ability to resist more than one type of antibiotics. Infections that are curable now, such as pneumonia, tuberculosis, blood poisoning, gonorrhea, and foodborne diseases could become impossible to cure as resistant strains spread.

    Antibiotic Resistance in the United States

    In 2013, the CDC released the first Antibiotic Resistant Threat Report. Since then, different policies have been implemented to reduce the spread of antibiotic resistance. These efforts include Executive Orders issued to direct federal agencies to follow guidelines to combat antibiotic resistance, increased CDC disease monitoring, and FDA directives to ensure that antibiotics are only used for treating and preventing infections in food animals and not for growth promoting. However,there have also been contradicting steps taken, such as the US Department of Agriculture rejecting the WHO’s guidance to limit antibiotic use in livestock feed.

    According to the CDC’s 2019 AR Report, the total number of deaths from antibiotic-resistant bacteria fell in the United States by 18% from 2013 to 2019. However, the CDC still estimates there are about 2.8 million infections each year and 35,000 deaths in the United States due to antibiotic-resistant bacteria. Additionally, the number of infections of several strains of bacteria have actually increased, with the germs becoming more resistant and progress to stop infections slowing down. This makes it difficult to find ways to treat those infections and given the interconnectedness of the world, these diseases could then continue to spread. The CDC also estimates that 47 million courses of antibiotics are prescribed each year for cases that do not need it. This is seen in such instances as viral infections like the cold or flu (viruses are not impacted by antibiotics), thereby increasing the prevalence of antibiotic-resistant bacteria as well as allowing already resistant bacteria to develop further difficulties to treatment.

    Covid-19 and Antibiotic Resistance

    The Covid-19 pandemic has complicated the usage of antibiotics. Antibiotics do not work on viruses, so it would have no impact on Covid-19 treatment. However, since it is possible to get Covid-19 and a bacterial infection at the same time, antibiotics are prescribed to nearly 72% of Covid patients despite only 6.9 percent being reported to have bacterial co-infections. Before there was available widespread Covid-19 testing, it was more common to prescribe antibiotics to patients displaying respiratory symptoms, since it could have been caused by bacterial or fungal pneumonia. Additionally, preemptive antibiotics are often prescribed to stop bacterial infections from occurring at the same time as Covid-19 due to the patient’s weakened immune system. It is important to prevent secondary bacterial infections in Covid-19 patients, though the rates in which antibiotics are prescribed is higher than the rates of which the bacterial infections occur with the infections tending to occur in already vulnerable patients. In fact, increases in resistant infections occurred amongst those Covid patients, highlighting how overprescribing antibiotics can create an increase in resistant germs.

    Additionally, Covid-19 has generated other obstacles to preventing antibiotic resistance. Due to a shift in focus towards Covid-19, funding has been cut and legislation delayed which would combat antibiotic resistance. Similarly, there may be crisis fatigue in which a loss of motivation arises to tackle another public health crisis. On the other hand, Covid-19 could help set a model for surveillance and containment of other pathogens like antibiotic resistant bacteria. Since antibiotic resistant infections spread very rapidly in hospitals where antibiotics are used, the adopted containment measures from Covid-19 could be beneficially applied towards reducing antibiotic resistant infection spread. Furthermore, the pandemic has highlighted a lack of surveillance measures among health care infrastructures which creates potential opportunities for surveillance improvements in the future. It is possible that public health approaches learned from Covid-19 could be used to prevent and contain antibiotic resistant infections.

    Ways Forward

    The CDC has proposed five core actions to reduce the antibiotic resistance threat in the United States: 

    1. Prevent and control infections before they arise 
    2. Improve data tracking and sharing about diseases 
    3. Improve antibiotic use and remove inappropriate access 
    4. Increase vaccines, therapeutics, and diagnostics to improve prevention and detection 
    5. Prevent antibiotic resistant diseases from entering the environment through sanitation and access to clean water.

    There are several ways these goals can be achieved. Increasing funding for agencies responsible for prevention or monitoring of such infections (such as the  Food and Drug Administration, the National Institutes of Health, the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority and the U.S. Department of Agriculture) could be beneficial for tasks such as collecting data to track resistant bacteria, improving antibiotic use, and funding antibiotic research. Optimizing current antibiotic use both for human and animal consumption would also help reduce the risks while existing programs that regulate antibiotic distribution could be monitored and directed to ensure the usage of antibiotics is appropriate. Furthermore, developing new antibiotics would help stop antibiotic resistance, since current germs would not have developed resistance towards them. Different bills introduced in congress such as the PASTEUR Act would create incentives for innovation with different antibiotics. There are a variety of ways in which antibiotic resistance could be combated, and it is important for individuals to consider what methods the government could use to help prepare for such actions.