The Russian political system is often described as being a “top-down” structure, meaning that power is centralized in the presidency. Occasionally, the Putin regime is described as a dictatorship, evoking associations with Stalin-era Soviet repression and a “cult of personality.” However, to simplify Russian politics down to these terms undercuts the complexities of Russian society, its institutions, and its active voting populace. Despite Putin’s authoritarian-leaning actions related to protest and LGBTQ+ people, he has enjoyed an approval rating consistently over 60%, with an average rating of 74% over the last twenty years. This is not to say Russia is a democracy or to deny the government’s repression of political dissent. However, to better understand US policy towards the Russian Federation, it is important to take into account the nuances of Russian domestic society.
Government institutions
Adopted in December of 1993, the Constitution of the Russian Federation established a semi-presidentialist political system. Executive power is shared between the president and a prime minister (premier) who is appointed “by the president with the consent of the State Duma,” the 450-member lower chamber of the Federal Assembly. If the Duma rejects the appointment three times, the president has the power to dissolve the Duma, call for new elections, and appoint the PM anyway. The upper chamber of the Federal Assembly is the Federation Council. Instead of being an elected position, its members are appointed by chief governmental officials in the region they represent, along with several appointed by the president.
Source: AP Comparative Government Russia
- United Russia Dominance: Russia’s political makeup
For nearly 20 years, the dominant force in Russian legislative politics has been the big-tent party United Russia. The results of the most recent State Duma election reinforces their primacy. Further, while the Federation Council is officially restricted from joining together by political factions, an overwhelming portion of its members are affiliated with UR. Casting itself as a party of unity and pragmatism, UR has consistently supported the current administration. Thus, with a large swath of control over legislative politics, the Federal Assembly has worked to meet the positions of President Putin.
President Putin and Russian National Identity
Voter fraud in Russian elections has been alleged by a variety of sources, including nongovernmental organizations, domestic rivals, and international media. Still, popular support for President Putin and UR should not be understated. In order to retain domestic approval, the current regime remains focused on the restoration of Russian national identity. This restoration revolves around a return to great power status, ensuring the primacy of the Russian language within the nation’s borders, and emphasizing an ethnically diverse Russia.
The 90s were a tumultuous period for Russia; the collapse of the Soviet Union, the ineffective and embarrassing leadership of Boris Yeltsin, and a financial downturn made citizens of the once great power feel humiliated and ignored in the international system. Recent polls have shown that about half of the Russian population feel ignored by the West, and a majority of Russians have perceived that “developed countries” treat Russia as either a rival or an enemy. Putin and United Russia have been sure to portray his time in power as stable, a sharp contrast to the Yeltsin era. Additionally, they emphasize a desire to restore Russia’s prominence in world affairs. Putin has also repeatedly lamented the collapse of the Soviet Union as a disaster. Appealing to the large percentage of Russians who desire a powerful, stable position on the world stage, as well as older citizens who may feel nostalgic for the Soviet era, bolsters the popularity of Putin and contributes to UR’s big tent.
Some political scientists consider language to be fundamental in forming a national identity. Putin has emphasized that “the unity of the country and the peoples of Russia directly depends on the knowledge of the Russian language by young people.” In 2015, the Ministry of Education began tracking the hours of instruction on the Russian language in all schools, ensuring that other regional or minority languages were not taught at the expense of the “state language.” Some have interpreted this as an encroachment on non-Russian ethnic groups, while others have seen this as a unifying idea intended to protect the Russian nation.
For President Putin, a fundamental component of Russia’s national identity is multiculturalism and ethnic diversity. On multiple occasions, he has condemned the ultra nationalist slogan “Rossiya dlya russkiy” (lit. “Russia for Russians”). Russkiy has an ethnic connotation, as in ethnic Russianness; Putin has often opted to use the adjective “rossiyskiy” when referring to Russians. This has the connotation of a citizen within the Russian Federation, regardless of ethnicity. This has also allowed Putin to cast a wider net of support for his presidency.
